the military forces of the Caucasus and Turkestan. It means, with the annexation of Akhal, the absorption of 100,000 of the best irregular cavalry in the world, at a week's march from the city of Herat. It means the meeting, for the first time, of the Cossack and the Afghan. It means the complete enclosure of Khiva within the Russian Empire, and the reduction of Bokhara from the independent position of a border state to the dependence of an incorporated province. It means the enclosure of more than 200,000 square miles of territory, and the addition to the Russian Empire of a region as large as France. It means the completion of the conquest of the Central Asian deserts, and the commencement of the annexation of the great fertile mountain region of Persia and Afghanistan. It means the deliberate occupation of a strategical point, fraught with political entanglements of such a widespread nature that, whether Russia desire it or not, she will be inevitably led, unless forestalled or checked by England, to Meshed, to Herat, to Balkh, and to Kabul. And she will not remain there. She will continue her swift advance until she triumphantly lays down her Cossack border alongside the Sepoy line of India.”

I could easily add other statements by English and foreign authorities on that subject, but I suppose I have succeeded in proving that Merv, although

actually a heap of ruins, haunted by reckless robbers and lawless bands, is by no means that worthless piece of sand described by optimistic politicians; for if the sand be removed there may be found a precious jewel of military and commercial importance beneath the arid crust.

CHAPTER V.

ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE FACE OF RUSSIAN

CONQUESTS.

We have followed hitherto the history of Russian conquests from Tashkend to Merv. We have given a succinct account of the varied events, without interrupting our relation by a side glance upon the attitude which the partly mediate, partly immediate, neighbours have maintained during the whole course of Russian encroachment. We shall now turn to this question, and begin by showing the views exhibited in England in the face of these emergencies. In England, where the liveliest interest ought to have prevailed, nevertheless, we are sorry to remark that criminal indifference, coupled with utter want of courage and lack of due appreciation of the question, have marked the whole long process of her diplomatic relations with Russia, as well as of the defensive steps taken in that direction.

In the beginning, when the black cloud loomed up in the north, there was a sufficient amount of

anxiety; nay, even too much of it was shown concerning the approaching danger of Russian aggression. But, as is usually the case with a danger of long standing, the fire gradually slackened until it came quite recently to a final extinction, wrapping the vital interests of Great Britain in that ominous darkness in which she is now actually groping.

When, in the beginning of the present century, Napoleon I. united with Russia, and the plan of crippling England through an attack on India first appeared, the Anglo-Indian statesmen of that day had shown sufficient vigour in grasping the importance of the situation. The building of the English rule in India rested on a ricketty base, and the danger was serious, considering the intentions of the Emperor, Paul I., made afterwards public through his autograph letters directed to Prince Orloff, the chief of the Cossacks (January 12, 1801): "The English are preparing to make an attack with their fleet and army against me and my allies, the Swedes and Danes. We must attack them ourselves, and that at a spot where the blow should be felt most and be least expected. From Orenburg to India there is but three months' (?) marching, and from us to Orenburg one month-total, four months. I place this expedition in your hands and those of your troops. This enterprise may procure glory for all of you, may

obtain wealth for us, and open a new outlet for the disposal of our merchandise, thus striking at the enemy's heart." And further on:-"We must liberate the natives (subject to England); as to the soil it must be placed in the same dependence upon Russia in which it now is as to England, we must take the entire commerce into our hands." In the letter of January 13, 1801, we read:-" I send you a new map of India, which enters quite into details. On your march make sure of Bokhara for Russia, in order that the Chinese may not get hold of it." (W. Danewsky, "La Russie et L'Angleterre dans L'Asie Centrale." London, 1881; p. 25).

To this kind of schemes, boldly conceived but premature for execution, the mission entrusted to Sir John Malcolm was a due and appropriate answer. This highly talented English statesman easily succeeded in frustrating the effect of the French missions under Gardanne and Joubert, for the appearance of Malcolm, furnished with rich means by the Indian Government, was quite sufficient to baffle the efforts of French and Russian diplomacy. What Malcolm began was valiantly continued by Sir Gore Ouseley, and other subsequent British ministers at the Court of Teheran. Persia took nicely to the lesson of European civilisation; the Crown Prince of Persia had a particular fancy for the English language, and the British