In the interest of truth, and with the hope of rendering some little assistance to those who consider their country before their party, I have thought it useful to publish in chronological order the prominent facts of the drama lately enacted in Turkey; with the view also of teaching, by showing up the petty jealousies and innate selfishness at the bottom of every move made by the players at the game of the "Eastern Question," the lesson of lessons-that "honesty is the best policy," and that England never has experienced and never can expect to meet anything but humiliation from following the tortuous paths of diplomacy. If only a true history of diplomatic dealings, even in this century, could be written, what an ocean of crime, bloodshed, misery, devastation, and barbarism, would be laid bare; and yet diplomacy in every country but England is highly esteemed, and even some of our own countrymen appear disposed to condone qualities in a diplomatist, which in an ordinary man could not be excused, for example, the Times' own correspondent, telegraphing from Paris, 15 March last, 9.30 p.m. says:-"General Ignatieff has been good enough to inform me to-day that he starts to-morrow for London." He then describes General Ignatieff in the following words :

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"It is necessary to have seen and heard this wonderful diplomatist "to understand with what marvellous facility he dilates on the "most varied themes. Let ten visitors see him, and to each of "them he would describe a new policy, maintaining only some general points, which are for him like fixed flagstaffs, to which "he attaches the capricious streamers of his varied narratives. "Were the ten unfortunate interviewers, on leaving him, to compare notes, they would be positively amazed at this inexhaustible versatility, "which intentionally obscures questions in proportion as it professes to "clear them up, and, when it likes, confuses the simplest things with "the air of explaining or commenting on them. All this, too, is done "in the most naturally unpretentious fashion, without any apparent subtlety, the speaker looking you straight in the face, and with an "animation and fluency seeming to exclude all possibility of plan.”— Times, 16th March, 1877.

If only one half of the above statement is true, is it not enough to make one shudder for the future?

The Eastern Question is doubtless a most serious one, but surely a very moderate study of history would suffice to point out the rocks and shoals to be avoided, to enable

England in her interests and those of civilization and good faith to steer a straight course. The whole question is in a nutshell; Russia and Germany want to divide Europe, they intend sooner or later to re-adjust the "Balance of Power." What is the "Balance of Power?" Let Lord Palmerston reply to this question.

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"In a debate in the House of Commons, Mr. Bright challenged Lord "Palmerston to define for him what was meant by the 'balance of 66 power.'" On the 31st March, 1854, when the House of Commons was discussing the Queen's Message, Lord Palmerston replied as follows: "The hon. Member for Manchester asks, 'What is our interest in the war?' and he also asks me to explain what is the meaning of the expression, the balance of power.' Now the hon. inember for "Manchester and I differ so much upon almost every question involving great principles, that I shall be unable to gratify him by complying "with his request to explain the meaning of the 'balance of power.' I "think, however, that a man of his unquestioned ability and his extensive knowledge, who has attained to the age which he has "attained, and who has not by his intuitive perception acquired a "knowledge of the meaning of the words 'balance of power,' is not "likely to be greatly enlightened by any humble effort of mine. Why, sir, call it what you like, 'balance of power,' or any other expression, "it is one which has been familiar to the minds of all mankind from "the earliest ages in all parts of the globe. 'Balance of power' meant only this that a number of weaker states may unite to prevent a stronger one from acquiring a power which should be dangerous to them, and which should overthrow their independence, their liberty, "and their freedom of action. It is the doctrine of self-preservation, "with the simple qualification that it is combined with sagacity and "with forethought, and an endeavour to prevent imminent danger before "it comes thundering at your gates." (132. Hansard, 279.)

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This is the real point at issue. It may be obscured by Mr. Gladstone and his followers; complicated by Germany; designedly kept out of sight by Russia; and blindly ignored by the English Government. But there it is; and to this point we must now turn our attention seriously: if England cares to maintain her position in Europe, one glance at the accompanying map should "give us pause." BEDFORD PIM.

The Temple,

May, 1877.

P.S.-With some personal experience of the Russian Court at St. Petersburg, and with the manners and customs of the Russians on the confines of Siberia; after mixing with them as friends, and meeting them as enemies; I cannot but feel that I should have been most blameworthy, had I not attempted in the following pages to open the eyes of my countrymen to the true nature and gravity of their position,

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

PAST.

A glance at the past discloses almost the same features in the "Eastern Question as now. In 1853, just as at present, religion was made the stalking horse under cover of which to approach the real quarry. Then it was a squabble about the Ifoly Places* which led to the Russian war, now it is the treatment of the Christians themselves, which is put forward as justifying another war equally wicked and unnecessary.

The human nature, the Russian human nature, that is at the bottom of the Eastern Question, may perhaps be better understood, at all events, can hardly be better stated than in the words of the Emperor Nicholas to that thoroughly English Ambassador, Sir Hamilton Seymour, during the famous conversations between them :

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"You know my feelings with regard to England. agreed, I am quite without anxiety as to the West of Europe; it is immaterial what the others may think or do."

* The Holy Places are the churches that have been built over those spots in Palestine where the principal events in our Saviour's history are supposed to have taken place. Of these, there were originally twelve. One, however, has been entirely destroyed: three have been taken from the Christians, and appropriated by the Turks; four belong exclusively to the Catholics, one exclusively to the Greeks, and three are common to all the Christian sects,Greek, Latin, Armenian, Copt, Abyssinian, &c. These three are the church of the Holy Sepulchre, the church of Bethlehem, and the church of the Tomb of the Virgin. Sanctuaries are particular spots or localities in those churches, where altars are placed, before which the different Christian sects worship, some of which they possess separately, and some of which they use in common. Behind the church of Bethlehem, there is a small chapel, called the Grotto of the Nativity, built, as tradition alleges, over the exact spot where our Saviour was born. Over the altarpiece in this chapel, there was placed, from time immemorial, a silver star, to commemorate the star which the wise men saw in the East, with this inscription: -Hic de Virgine Maria, Jesus Christus natus est. In the year 1847, while this chapel was in occupation of the Greeks, which they shared alternately with the Latins and other sects, the silver star suddenly and mysteriously disappeared. The Latins charged the Greeks with having stolen it, and this gave rise to an animated and angry controversy between the partisans of those two churches."

Again, in January 1853 :

"The affairs of Turkey are in a very disorganised condition; the country itself seems to be falling to pieces: the fall will be a great misfortune, and it is very important that England and Russia should come to a perfectly good understanding upon these affairs, and that neither should take any decisive step of which the other is not apprised.” And later in the same month :

"I put to you, therefore, whether it is not better to be provided beforehand for a contingency, than to incur the chaos, confusion, and the uncertainty of an European war, all of which must attend the catastrophe, if it should occur unexpectedly, and before some ulterior system has been sketched. Now I desire to speak to you as a friend, and as a 'gentleman': if England and I arrive at an understanding in this matter, as regards the rest it matters little to me; it is indifferent to me what others do or think."

Finally :

"As to Egypt, I quite understand the importance to England of that territory. I can then only say, that if, in the event of a distribution of the Ottoman succession upon the fall of the Empire, you should take possession of Egypt, I shall have no objection to offer."

The English Ambassador, however, could not be charmed. by the voice of the charmer, and the Emperor, unable to resist the temptation, persisted in calling Turkey "The Sick Man," and looking upon his dissolution as certain and near.

The intervention and demands of Russia, as conducted at Constantinople by Prince Menschikoff, between the 2nd of March and 22nd May, 1853, resulted in an official Memorandum and Ultimatum which was rejected by the Sultan. After this, the Austrian Government then, as now, prepared a "Note," which afterwards became celebrated as the "Vienna Note," that also failed. Then came the "French Note," the counterpart of the" Berlin Memorandum" of to-day. The parallel is even closer, for the English and French Fleets anchored in Besika on the 13th June, and soon after a Conference of the Powers, Austria, England, Prussia and France, held at Vienna, July 1853, met with the same sort of fate as the recent one at Constantinople, having failed to solve the problem put before them. The Gordian knot was, however, cut. On the 5th October, 1853, war was declared by Turkey against Russia.

In the meantime, the Russians, under General Luders, on the 2nd July, had crossed the Pruth, and entered Moldavia. Russia, however, did not formally declare war against Turkey until the 1st November. On the 30th November, the massacre of Sinope took place; an act