that the GDR youth does not support the regime. Since then, they keep quiet or say that it has to be admitted that the enthusiasm was not organized.

Then, dear Comrade Fidel Castro and dear Cuban Comrades, there was the apparent heightening of international tensions in late 1979/early 1980. We have reacted with great level-headedness to this situation. On January 9 we had a reception for the diplomatic corps. There, I expressed the GDR's hope that it would be possible to reduce international tensions because there is no alternative to the policy of peaceful coexistence. Only the American ambassador did not attend the reception since our politburo and the Council of Ministers had made a statement in support of the entry of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan following the Afghan government's request. A couple of days later we had a hare-hunt for the diplomats.

We have continued our policy of socialist buildup with great popular support, and I expressed to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt my readiness to meet him for a talk in 1980.

They all were surprised that the GDR, together with the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, reacted so calmly to Carter's confrontational course. Indeed, the citizens of our republic stand firmly behind the policy of the party and the government, which is directed against Carter's confrontational course and stands up for peaceful coexistence and international cooperation. We have activated our ministerial exchange with the FRG, but also with Belgium, the Netherlands, France, and Austria. While one has to proceed from the assumption that the Western governments, particularly with respect to the boycott of the Olympic Games [in Moscow in summer 1980], will show a certain class solidarity with the USA, they still hesitate to identify entirely with the hardened policy of the USA administration.

Thus, it came to the meeting [on May 19 in Warsaw] between Leonid Brezhnev and Giscard d'Estaing, about which you are probably informed. Finally, there was the long delayed meeting [on May 16 in Vienna] between the new Secretary of State in the Carter administration, [Edward S.] Muskie, and [Soviet Foreign Minister] Comrade [Andrei] Gromyko. Today, the GDR newspapers report that on June 30 and July 1 the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Helmut Schmidt, is going to meet with Comrade Brezhnev in Moscow.

During my stay in Belgrade, on the occasion of Tito's funeral [8 May 1980], I had talks with several statesmen.

Many expressed the desire to talk to

me. Of course, the first meeting I had was with Comrade Brezhnev, who, after his health cure is back on the world stage in full health. Old comrades-in-arms and friends sat together the night and talked about current issues. I had meetings with [Indian leader] Indira Gandhi and various other personalities, which I don't want to go into at this moment, and with Helmut Schmidt, too.

Two issues were central. The first issue was that, because of our commitment to never again let a war start from German soil, one has to resist the Carter course of confrontation. We thus discussed the necessity to supplement the political dimension of detente with detente in the military field, not to support, but to counteract the unpredictable policy of Carter.

The second issue was the boycott of the Olympics. I said that it is an insult to the Soviet Union and to Comrade Brezhnev personally, if the athletes of the Federal Republic are prevented from participating at the Olympic Games in Moscow. Schmidt told me that he is under heavy pressure from the USA. Moreover, he said that this was the "mildest reaction" to the "invasion," the "intervention" of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan as he put it.

I said: Mr. Schmidt, what you call an "intervention" in Afghanistan is no intervention at all. On this issue, we apparently have differing points of view. You used to be defense minister and you know exactly that after the Americans got kicked out of Iran, they now try to gain a foothold in Afghanistan-through external aggression, as a compensation for the weakening of their position in Iran, so to speak. Hence, the Soviet Union simply had to respond to the requests that Afghanistan already had voiced several times before by sending a limited contingent of troops to that country. As soon as Afghanistan's neighbors ensure non-interference in Afghan domestic affairs and the stopping of the external aggression, guaranteed by the USA, the Soviet Union, perhaps France as well, as soon as the Afghan government declares that the Soviet troop contingents can be withdrawn or reduced, the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan will begin. I pointed out that Fidel Castro, as chairman of the nonaligned movement, has made a similar proposal.

Schmidt did not want to see it this way. He told me: Mr. Honecker, have you seen the maps of the Soviet invasion? I said: I also have maps, but this is irrelevant; stopping the external aggression is the crucial issue.

Then I had to go to the meeting with Comrade [Zambian President Kenneth] Kaunda, and Schmidt asked me: When are

we going to meet in the GDR? I answered: First, go to Moscow to Comrade Brezhnev, then we can meet in the GDR.

That's how we parted, and we both found that this was a useful meeting. Certainly, this meeting has a certain impact on the situation in Europe, because the Federal Republic has some influence on its western, northern, and southern allies. Of course, we don't believe that we are the center of the world, the normalization of GDR-FRG relations, however, certainly is of great importance for detente in Europe. It helps to restrain the belligerence of the USA. After all, the Federal Republic of Germany is the second strongest power within NATO.

The events in the Caribbean, and especially the anti-Cuban campaign of the USA and the Western media are related to the heightening of international tensions. In this context, our visit, which had been planned for a long time, indeed carries great international importance. This view has been expressed yesterday by the "Pravda" and this morning by the "Neues Deutschland." They wrote that, especially in the present situation, the solidarity with revolutionary Cuba shown by the Soviet Union and its allies, including the GDR, is of great importance. In the GDR, we have started a big solidarity campaign under the slogan: "Hands off Cuba! - Stop the Amerian economic embargo against Cuba! - Stop the espionage flights! - Give up the USA military base in Guantanamo!" I was pleased to hear that the espionage flights are currently being suspended.

Under these conditions, Comrade Fidel Castro, we renew the fraternal solidarity and our comradeship in arms between the GDR and revolutionary Cuba. We are aware that we are fighting in the front line, but we know there are strong reserves in behind. On this basis, we look with optimism into the future and will develop our bilateral relationship further.

I apologize for having talked so extensively about the international situation, but I was prompted by your statements on these issues.

Fidel Castro:

What Comrade Honecker has told us is very interesting. We have listened with great attention. The international situation is of vital importance for us; because its aggravation means increasing dangers for Cuba.

As I have already pointed before, the Yankees have been very angry wil some time and they toy with th to get back at us, espec Angola and Ethiopi

insisted on a troop withdrawal from Angola and Ethiopia. We always replied that we are not on any account going to discuss this issue with them. We refused to talk about it. This was one of their most pressing demands.

Another demand relates to our solidarity with Puerto Rico's independence; and it is virtually a tradition of the revolution to show solidarity, to give support, if there is a struggle for the liberation and independence of Puerto Rico.

This was before the revolution in Grenada, a small country. This has important implications in the Caribbean, where there is instability after the success of revolution in Nicaragua [words unintelligibleed.] the difficulties in Central America.

For some time they have been hoping that we would make a mistake, so that they can teach us a lesson, as they put it. Thus we must act with great caution on all these issues.

It is not our fault that there are revolutions. We are [not] responsible for what happens in El Salvador. This is a phenomenon that has developed over time. Except for the example that Cuba gives, and to give an example is always best, because solidarity, too, plays a big role. These political phenomena, however, arise virtually as natural events, because the people no longer accept such a situation. When such a revolutionary situation emerges in these countries, then inevitably this leads to tensions. Thus, with the revolution, of course, there are tensions. In Afghanistan, too, with the revolution, there were tensions, and the new situation in Iran, the revolution, has produced tensions in that region. We take an interest in what happens in the Caribbean, but also what happens in all other areas of the globe, what happens in Afghanistan.

Some Yankees, some groups of forces within the intelligentsia, are developing the argument, the strategy, that, when a crisis unfolds in one part of the globe, in Iran or Afghanistan, in the Indian Ocean or anywhere else in the world, then the USA has to respond [against] Cuba. They have said that quite frankly. If they have some clash with the Soviet Union in a part of the globe where the balance of power is unfavorable for the USA, then they should respond in a place where the balance of power is favorable for the USA. Be

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existence of a divided Germany as an imm portant element of the European balance of power. With respect to the issue of Afgham stan, France wants a political, but not a mili tary solution, and this goes for Afghamstan as well as for Iran. By and large, this is a useful element, since it limits the chanc of the USA to revive the Cold War with all its ferocity,

In this context, the conversation that the new American Secretary of State Muskie, had with Comrade Gromyko is in teresting, too, Muskie presented himself as the man who wants to be the number one in U.S. foreign policy. He did not mention Brzezinski's name, but he said. I am inde pendent from the President's entourage Mi Gromyko, let us discuss the issue of Af ghanistan and sort it out,

Comrade Gromyko replied: We sent
our limited contingent of troops to Afghani
stan only after there was interference in
Afghanistan's domestic affairs, when there
was the danger that you would get a foot
hold in Afghanistan after you got kicked out
of Iran. Comrade Gromyko added, as dis
cussed in Moscow, that Afghanistan is noth
ing but a pretext for the USA to heighten
internationa ensions. This means, this was
a resut o org-anned steps taken by the
USA

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Erich Honecker: As for the movie we've just seen, I have already asked if we can get it for our TV.

Fidel Castro: In less than four weeks we have organized three big rallies, the last of them being the one for your arrival yesterday.

Erich Honecker: This huge manifestation has already been covered by our TV yesterday, as will be today's negotiations; everything in color. Millions of GDR citizens are watching this. 80 percent of the people have a TV-set.

Fidel Castro: Hence, there are much more viewers than there are Catholics and Protestants.

Erich Honecker: These are loyal citizens as well.

Fidel Castro: If we said that we have Catholics, then we could talk about millions of Catholics who are baptized. Yet actually, nobody becomes involved with the church. Our relations with the church are not that bad. In the early days of the revolution it was necessary to make some priests leave the country, to expel them; because Catholicism was the faith of the rich. 60% of the people were farmers, and on the countryside there was not a single church. In other Latin American countries they do exist. Once a year, priests visit the villages to baptize the people, but they lack a religious education, they were only educated in the big landowners' private schools. Therefore, religion did not exert a particularly strong hold on the people. Nevertheless, we are very careful in our relations with the church, especially given the situation in Latin America, not to admit that the revolution is opposed to the church. In addition, we have talked a lot about the Christians' closeness to the Marxists, and said that Jesus was Christian.

Erich Honecker: The Sermon on the Mount says something along these lines, too.

Fidel Castro: There are many priests with a revolutionary attitude in Latin America. We think this is of great impor

tance.

Erich Honecker: We also integrated a lot of them into the National Front. At the elections, they call upon the people to vote for the candidates of the National Front.

I come from a miners' town. The majority of the people was Catholic. There was a street where 80% of the people living there voted for the KPD [the Communist Party of Germany].

After 1945, we had Priest Kleinschmidt in the GDR, who was responsible for all of Mecklenburg, and we had priests on the National Front's National Council. We had

a bishop, Bishop Mitzenheim, responsible for Thuringia. He was awarded the National Medal of Honor in gold for his contribution to the building up of our republic. We thus approach the issue of cooperation between Christians and Marxists in the same man

ner.

Fidel Castro: The archbishop of Salvador [Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero, assassinated on 24 March 1980] was an apostle of the poor, of the revolution. The CIA killed him. He exercised strong resistance and cried out against repression. The church in Salvador has a very revolutionary attitude, and this is of great importance for Latin America as a whole. In Jamaica, I met with church representatives, as I did in Chile in 1972. I talked a lot about the alliance between Christians and Marxists. This is no tactical alliance, but a strategic one.

I mentioned Jamaica. Jamaica currently faces a very difficult situation, above all for economic reasons, particularly because of the oil price. They produce bauxite. The oil price has increased 15 times, the price of bauxite only two times. [Jamaican leader Michael] Manley is a very able man, but he has got some problems.

The opposition party is influenced by the CIA, and they do all that they can in order to destabilize and overthrow the government. Now we have to see how these problems can be solved. It is a very dramatic situation that shows certain similarities to the situation in Chile at the time. We give them any kind of support they request. Yet sometimes they act like the Chileans at the time.

Erich Honecker: Every people has to learn by experience.

Fidel Castro: They simply are too democratic-Comrade Honecker, the floor is yours now.

Erich Honecker: I've already taken up a lot of time.

Fidel Castro: You have much more to tell than I do. To sum up, I would like to say the following:

It is our party's belief that our relations with the GDR are very good ones. We are very satisfied with how this relationship has developed, and we are very grateful to the GDR. You are virtually the first country with which we have concluded the coordination of the five-year plan. In our view, all issues have been settled to our satisfaction, and this helps us a lot. Our discussions with the others have not yet been concluded.

As for the political issues, we fully agree. I believe that there still are a lot of possibilities to develop our cooperation in the economic and political field. But things are going well. This is what I wanted to say

regarding political issues in general.

I suppose there is not much I need to tell you about our own problems; during our conversations we return to that topic time and again. Yesterday I have already talked a little bit about our difficulties. And there are shortcomings, too. But we fight against these shortcomings to get rid of them.

With regard to the implementation of the planning and management system for the economy we have made some progress. We have been working on that for years, and currently we do a lot to improve efficiency.

We had some difficulties in meeting the goals of the five-year plan. The five-year plan will not be fulfilled, but we will nevertheless make significant progress. The cement factory we are going to open tomorrow is one example. With this five-year plan, we face problems in the world market. Unfortunately, our economy is highly dependent on international trade, on trade with the Western countries. We have to buy some products from the Western countries, particularly food, e.g. milk. We do a lot in order not to be dependent on the West. We have agreements with the GDR concerning the production of powdered milk. As a result, we will no longer depend on Canada, France, and other Western countries, at least not to such a high degree, the dependence will be reduced.

There are also many chemicals, e.g. pesticides, herbicides, where we are dependent on Switzerland and the FRG, because the socialist countries have not yet developed such chemicals. Unfortunately, there is no hope that the GDR will develop such products in the foreseeable future. We also must buy a lot of equipment from the Western countries. It will be the same for you. Above all, the issue is raw materials, many sorts of raw materials, and spare parts. In sum, a significant part of our trade depends on relations with the West.

In addition, the prices of sugar and nickel were low for some years. This year, the price of sugar has increased. The world price of sugar will probably very good next year, and this helps us a lot in dealing with these difficulties.

However, there are other problems as well. We had some obscure plagues recently. We believe that these plagues were caused by sabotage.

First, there was a fungal disease in our tobacco plantations. This year, 90% of our tobacco production were destroyed, and we had to import tobacco. Fortunately, there are chemicals that are well-suited for fighting this sort of fungus. We have made a strong effort and we got the necessary amount for next year. Therefore, we believe that we will

have solved the problem by next year; because this plague has brought us into a very difficult situation. Other countries were hurt, too. In Jamaica, the whole tobacco production has been destroyed, in Canada, too, and perhaps the USA will be affected as well. It's blue mould [Blauschimmel].

On our sugar plantations we also had a very serious plague, but it affected only one type. 30% of our sugar plantations have been planted with this type of sugar. This led to a loss of some 1 million tons of sugar. We fight against this plague by replacing this type of sugar with another one, a new type, which is resistant against this disease.

Then there is the African swine fever, which we are fighting successfully. This swine fever is practically under control. It is strange, though, three plagues all at the same time.

A couple of days ago a plane overflew our country and dropped a gelatin-like, liquid substance containing a fungus; quite clever, in microscopically small capsules. Currently, we are conducting research on the issue. These things were dropped in a width of 25 kilometers. We haven't publicized anything yet, because we are still in the process of conducting research. We have asked the Soviet comrades for help. But we still need more facts.

This is very disquieting, however, since these could be symptoms of bacteriological warfare. These chemicals are highly developed. The material that has been used does not come from a small group of counterrevolutionaries, it belongs to a highly developed industry. Now we don't know who has done this. We know for sure that we are dealing with fungi, a type of fungus that could damage the sugar. We are doing the relevant tests before we publicize something. The dropping took place 12 to 14 days ago. But we don't have all elements available yet. Perhaps this is psychological warfare?

Furthermore, there are various signs of sabotage. A couple of weeks ago a very serious act of sabotage occurred. A day-nursery in a high-rise was set on fire. This fire was very dangerous, because there were 570 children in the nursery at this point. By a miracle, all children were saved.

A few days later, the same thing happened to a old people's home in Jamaica. 150 old women died. Image what would have happened here if 100 children had died! Maybe the people would have killed the rogue. The people might have killed some 10,000 of these guys, but then the problem would have gotten out of hands; because we have to run a visible campaign with the party and the mass organizations in order to keep the people calm. They want to strike back,

and we are at pains to calm the people down. If 150 children had died, then we would have witnessed serious acts of revenge. And apparently this was the intention.

Three days ago a special school was set on fire, a dangerous incident, too.

Yesterday a small rum factory was set alight. Hence, there is sabotage, and this either could have been planned by the CIA or instigated by the radio stations of the USA and the venomous pirate radio stations. Altogether, these acts are typical of the CIA's war of nerves. Therefore, we will have to take more drastic measures and send some people before the firing squad. These are terrible things. Our main concern is that they use bacteriological means against the economy.

Our problem is that we are heavily dependent on agriculture. Our exports depend on agriculture. Agriculture suffers from natural plagues, such as droughts. However, there are also these artificial plagues, and now we struggle with this kind of difficulties.

Nevertheless, the morale is good. We have practically formulated the next fiveyear plan already. It is not a very ambitious one, but a modest, a realistic plan, that has been calculated cautiously, on the basis of low world prices. If the situation improves, we will try to fulfill the plan.

We now coordinate the plans with the other socialist countries. We are preparing for the II Party congress. It will be characterized by a fighting spirit.

The party has grown, perhaps a little bit more than we desired, because we improved very restrictive criteria, always in search for excellence. Recently we tried to increase the number of workers in the party. Our comrades also work in services, intelligence, the ministry of the interior, the military. We also had a special campaign aimed at increasing the percentage of workers. Currently the party has 400,000 members and candidates. At the time of the I. Party congress, there were 150,000 members and candidates. The youth organization has 450,000 members, and it has a restrictive character, too. We will stick to this policy because we look not so much for quantity but for quality. The party is very unified, the people are very unified. All the people who are sitting here are comrades, all revolutionaries are comrades, and even the rogue is ready to fight. The people who are now leaving our country and go to the USA, who are no revolutionaries at all, have a revolutionary mentality. They are rebels. They refuse to obey orders. They will give the USA a big headache, although they are enemies of the revolution.

There are two very interesting phenomena. They all believe what the revolutionary government says, and second, they have the methods of the revolution, a revolutionary style.

This is strange. The Yankees concentrate them in bases, and there they organize the revolt. They don't obey any orders. With these rogues they have imported rogues with a revolutionary style. In comparison, the other emigrants in the USA are calm, but the Cuban people raise all sorts of outcries.

Hence, this is the situation. The West does not really understand this. 90 % of the people are steadfast and agree with the revolution, 10% are against the revolution, but the latter are militant. The West does not really understand this phenomenon. This will remain the same for 30 or 40 years, as long as we have the USA on our doorstep. There will always be a small minority. I am totally convinced of that, we must not have any illusions about it.

Therefore, every country where there is a regime change means increased security for our revolution. Each additional revolution makes us stronger because we gain allies. For 20 years, we have been isolated, on our own, now there are already three of us in the region: Grenada, Nicaragua, and Cuba. Moreover, there are friendly states, such as Panama and Jamaica, for example; some countries that have developed a positive attitude towards us compared to the time of our isolation, when not a single country had a friendly attitude towards us. Mexico only entertained formal relations with us, but no relations of a friendly nature. This situation has changed a lot.

Mexico's position is a very interesting one; since after the discovery of the huge (crude) oil resources, its economic situation has changed, its power has grown. The dependence on the USA has been decreased.

However, at the same time, this engenders a danger, because the USA demand that Mexico supplies them with 4,000 barrels of (crude) oil every day in order to solve their energy problems. The Mexicans are afraid of the USA. They don't want to follow the USA's oil policy, but maintain a limited position that corresponds to the country's development needs in order to simultaneously expand the markets. But Mexico plays an important role in this area of the globe, a very important role, since it has got the economic power because of the oil. Hence, attention should be paid to Mexico. Lopez Portillo, the Mexican president, has a good attitude, a brave position, he is open-minded, and this should be taken into account.

Argentina and Brazil are in a different situation. These countries are much more

dependent on the USA. Brazil seeks to increase its independence. Without any doubt, this is a very reasonable government, but the situation is different from that in Mexico. Mexico can be seen more as an ally, as a friend.

The Yankees have asked the Mexicans to do them some service here, in order to solve their problems with us. We told the Mexicans that we would agree, if the goal is to solve all problems at the same time, not only those that are of interest to the USA. They Mexicans said that they agree with that.

When the Mexicans, the Yankees, and we sit at a table, the relation will be two to one on some issues. The Mexicans have invited representatives from Panama, and we have said that it is better to have more Latin Americans. Maybe it is better for us if the Mexicans participate in these talks. Therefore we agreed. We don't know what is going to happen and where it is going to happen because the Yankees are quite constrained in their actions because of the campaign. Before the elections, Carter must make no concessions at all. Therefore, the situation is not going to change before the elections. On no account, can we help Carter solve his own problems. What guarantees is Carter going to give us? And what if he loses the elections? They don't talk about Angola and Ethiopia any more, now they talk about solving the problem in the USA's interests section which is full of counterrevolutionaries, and in Iran, they demand their hostages. They were afraid that our people would attack the consulate. Before our demonstration, they were very concerned, and Mariel is the second issue that they are very concerned about.

There, we are the ones who issue the exit visas. They are afraid of Latin America, of the people from Haiti, Mexico, and the next problem is the hijacked plane. They are interested in agreements and they are concerned about that.

However, they always find something new. At the time, they talked about subversion in Latin America, now there are new issues. In this pre-election period, it is very difficult for them to make concessions. Hence, we remain at the present point as long as the elections have not taken place.

This was a broad outline of the current situation. We will provide further information about Cuba, but these were the main issues.

Erich Honecker: Comrade Fidel Castro, thank you for your explanations. It is quite obvious that there are no issues between us that need further discussion.

As far as we know, the communique

has been prepared. All questions have been settled, and we have expressed our opinions on international issues.

We consider the conclusion of the treaty on friendship and cooperation very important.

(Fidel Castro: This is our first treaty.)

The people of the German Democratic Republic will be delighted when they learn about it, and it is certain that this will receive great attention; just as our stay here already receives great international attention. The conclusion of this treaty will outline all that what we, even more so than before, will have to live up to in our mutual cooperation.

Despite all agreement with regard to economic and other issues, there will be a whole string of additional possibilities to develop the cooperation of two countries that are so much joined together in friendship as are the German Democratic Republic and the Republic of Cuba.

We in the GDR follow with great pleasure with how much energy you implement the decisions taken at the Ist Party congress of the Communist Party. We follow with deep sympathy your efforts concerning the preparation of the IInd Party congress, about which you have just informed us.

The remarks you made in the context of the Party congress regarding the effectiveness and quality of your work are very familiar concerns for us. We, too, devote increasing attention to these issues given the conditions of our development. Moreover, in our activities we proceed from the assumption that revolutionary Cuba commands great authority and conducts a very active, principled foreign policy in full accordance with the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community while certainly taking into consideration your country's specific situation.

It is obvious that in the preparation of your IInd Party congress you are concerned with a whole string of issues that we also have to deal with in preparing for our Xth Party congress. Recently our Central Committee held its 12th conference. Supplementing the Politburo's report on the organization of our Xth Party congress, I held a speech there. The Xth Party congress has been scheduled for 11-16 April 1981. We publicized the agenda and at the same time we announced that motions to be considered by the Party congress have to be proposed before the end of March. In the context of the summoning of our Xth Party congress the entire country will engage in a great debate about the future shaping of the German Democratic Republic's developed socialist society. Of course, this will be re

lated to the continuing carrying through of the GDR's foreign policy.

As far as foreign policy is concerned, the problems are quite obvious. The cooperation with the Soviet Union is the cornerstone of our foreign policy. We coordinate our foreign policy with the socialist brother nations. Concerning foreign policy, there is agreement as to the basic issues, the issue of the further consolidation of the unity and indivisibility of the community of socialist. countries, the issue of defending the achievements of detente, its supplementing with arms reductions, and active support for national liberation movements. In this process, we pay great attention to the development of the nonaligned countries about which Comrade Fidel Castro has informed us in the context of the Havana conference and the subsequent events.

Although all these issues concerning the future development of our foreign policy are understood, the citizens of the GDR certainly face a lot of problems. World events are highly complex, so that the Party has to be very active in this area; this all the more so since the enemy seeks to deceive the people through the mass media and to disguise its aggressive policies, particularly that of the USA. We have created a solid basis regarding these issues. The comrades now are increasingly capable of thinking for themselves and clarifying these issues in dialogue with the people.

In January of this year we held big talks with our party's first district secretaries (1. Kreissekretaere) under consultation of the local government secretaries (Sekretaere der Bezirksleitungen).

Fidel Castro: How many districts are there in your country?

Erich Honecker:There are 136 districts (Kreise), but also a whole string of industrial districts. Altogether there were 600 comrades present there. At this meeting, we assessed the class struggle between socialism and imperialism and its implications for the work of our party. One can note the differences between the various imperialist countries, but the basic conflict still is the one between socialism and imperialism. The imperialists are quite united in their struggle against socialism, they only disagree with regard to method.

We also evaluated the development of the national liberation movement and the role of the Communist and workers' movements in the developed capitalist countries. It was a broad range of international issues, which are mainly ideological issues, and issues concerning the future shaping of the developed socialist society. For example, we discussed the question how to continue