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Interestingly, Stalin did not tell his sub- treaties, we must go all the way. It is true benefitted the USSR) in times of upheaval. ordinates about this turnabout in his attitude that for us this entails certain inconve- It also made the CCP leadership feel more toward signing a new treaty. On January 6, niences, and we will have to struggle secure in its international isolation. At the Mao met with Soviet Foreign Minister against the Americans. But we are al- same time, the treaty created a new revoluAndrei Vyshinsky, in the presence of ready reconciled to that.

tionary-imperial synergy in the Far East. Kovalev, the Chinese ambassador in Mos- Mao Zedong: With regard to this matter, The Chinese communists, backed by Moscow, and interpreters Nikolai Fedorenko we are only concerned by the fact that it cow, wanted to complete the reunification of and Shi Zhe, to discuss joint Sino-Soviet could lead to undesirable consequences the country and to carry the banner of revotactics at the United Nations, where the for the USSR.

lution further, to Burma and Indochina. For Nationalists continued to occupy China's

Stalin the alliance marked the end of the seat on the Security Council. When Mao Stalin sought to convince Mao that the status quo strategy of Yalta and the opening mentioned the necessity of a new treaty, Soviet Union would risk a conflict with the of a second Cold War against the United Vyshinsky repeated the official line that any United States for the sake of its new Asian States in the Far East. Notwithstanding the change in the 1945 treaty “could be used by ally. Yet, he wanted to extract from the fact that in both countries hundreds of milthe Americans and the British as a pretext Chinese a proper price for this willingness, lions of people yearned for peace and reconfor revision of those parts of the treaty, primarily in the form of recognition of Soviet struction, the new alliance in reality sigwhose change would hurt the interests of the security interests in Manchuria. This time nalled military mobilization and confrontaSoviet Union and China. This is undesir- Stalin did not miscalculate. Mao now ac- tion—as events in Korea would soon demable and must not happen.”10 Soviet ac- cepted Stalin's proposal, put forth at the first onstrate. tions at the United Nations, however, had meeting, that the Soviet Union would retain already begun to reflect Stalin's new line: its legal rights in Port Arthur, at least until a

1. Shi Zhe's account is quoted in Chen Jian, China's the alliance with communist China against peace treaty with Japan was signed. The

Road to the Korean War: The Making of the Sino

American Confrontation (New York: Columbia Unithe U.S.-led coalition of capitalist states. Chinese leader also agreed to keep the Dairen versity Press, 1994), 79-80. At the second official meeting with port closed to the Americans.

2. P. Yudin, “Zapis besedy s tovarischem Mao,” Mao (now accompanied by Zhou Enlai, The Chinese attempted to bargain when

Problemi Dalnego Vostok [Problems of the Far East) 5

(1994), 105-106. who had arrived in Moscow two days be- it came to Soviet rights to control the Chinese

3. This difference was previously noted in Sergei N. fore), on 22 January 1950, Stalin sounded Changchun railroad, the main strategic ar- Goncharov, John Lewis, and Xue Litai, Uncertain like a changed man. "We believe that these tery between the USSR and Liaotung (the Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War (Stanford, agreements (of 1945] need to be changed, Port Arthur peninsula). But Stalin and

CA: Stanford University Press, 1993), 85-86, as one of

the authors, Sergei Goncharov, had seen the minutes of although earlier we had thought that they Molotov defended those rights tooth and

the Stalin-Mao talks, which were then still classified, in could be left intact,” he said. “The existing nail. During the talks on the ministerial the Foreign Ministry archives in Moscow. agreements, including the treaty, should be level, the Soviet side succeeded in imposing 4. In an undated cable sent to Stalin during the 31 changed, because war against Japan figures on the PRC several secret agreements. The

January-7 February 1949 talks with Mao, apparently

near the end of the discussions, Mikoyan reported that at the very heart of the treaty. Since the war Additional Agreement to the treaty stipu- he had told the Chinese leader that the Soviet governis over and Japan has been crushed, the lated that "on the territory of the Far Eastern

ment had decided “to repeal this unequal (nespravedlivii] situation has been altered, and now the treaty region and the Central Asian republics, as treaty and withdraw its troops from Port Arthur as soon has become an anachronism.” The most well as on the territory of Manchuria and

as the peace (treaty] with Japan will be concluded. But

if the Chinese communist party ... would find expedient salient feature of the discussion was the Xinjiang," both the USSR and the PRC

an immediate withdrawal of (Soviet) troops (from Port omnipresence of the Japanese threat and a “would not provide to foreigners the rights Arthur), then the USSR was ready to do so. As to the virtual absence of discussion of the United for concessions, and would not tolerate ac- accord on the Chinese-Changchun railroad, we (the States and the new American policy; nor did tivities of industrial, financial, trade and other

Soviet] do not consider this treaty unequal, since this

railroad had been built primarily with Russian means. anybody then raise Acheson's speech of enterprises, communities and organizations,

Perhaps ... in this treaty the principle of equal rights is January 12. Only later, during the discus- with the participation, directly or indirectly, not fully observed, but we are ready to consider this sion of the specific provisions of the new of the (financial] capital of the third countries question and decide it with the Chinese comrades in a treaty, did the following exchange occur: or the citizens of those countries."11 The fraternal manner." See Archive of the President, Rus

sian Federation (APRF), f. 39, op. 1, d. 39, 11. 78-79, as Chinese also signed a “Protocol on the unim

quoted in Andrei Ledovskii, “Sekretnaia missiia A.I. Mao Zedong: We must act so as to take peded transportation of Soviet troops and Mikoyana v Kitai” (Secret Mission of A.I. Mikoyan to into account the interests of both sides, military property on the Chinese Changchun China), Problemy Dalnego Vostoka 3 (1995), 94-105, China and the Soviet Union. railroad in case of the threat of war in the Far

quotation on p. 100; see also Ledovskii, “Sekretnaia Stalin: True. We believe that the agree

missiia A.I. Mikoyana v Kitai,Problemy Dalnego East.” This secret agreement allowed the

Vostoka 2 (1995), 97-111. ment concerning Port Arthur is not eq- Soviets to transport troops and military equip- 5. See Goncharov, Lewis, and Litai, Uncertain Partuitable.

ment and supplies quickly, without paying ners, 91, 247-249. Mao Zedong: But changing this agree

6. Molotov Remembers: Inside Kremlin Politics: Conany tariffs to the Chinese and without any

versations with Felix Chuev, ed. Albert Resis (Chicago: ment goes against the decisions of the Chinese customs control. 12

Ivan R. Dee, 1993), 81; for the original Russian see Yalta Conference?!

The Sino-Soviet Treaty, signed on 14 Felix Chuev, Sto sorok besed s Molotovim (One hunStalin: True, it does—and to hell with February 1950, satisfied Stalin's search for dred and forty conversations with Molotov) (Moscow: it! If we make a decision to revise the preservation of the status quo (where it

TERRA, 1991), 114.

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7. See the text of Mao's cable to Beijing of 2 January not received any answer from these governments We are waiting for your answer. 1950, as reprinted in Goncharov, Lewis, and Litai,

yet. Neither has the Soviet government given its Uncertain Partners, 242.

answer. Obviously, the government's proposal Filippov (Stalin) 8. Goncharov, Lewis, and Litai, Uncertain Partners,

had been inspired by the Americans. The aim of 98, 101; Melvyn P. Leffler, A Preponderance of Power:

this proposal is to present the Nanjing govern- (Source: Archive of the President of the Russian National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,

ment as the advocate of the termination of war Federation (APRF), f. 45, op. 1, d. 330, pp. 951992), 336-337.

and a peaceful settlement, while the Communist 96.] 9. On the importance of espionage data in the reversal party of China would be presented as the advoof Soviet policy toward the Marshall Plan, see Mikhail cate of the continuation of war, if it would directly M. Narinsky, “The Soviet Union and the Marshall

reject peace negotiations with Nanjing. Plan,” in Cold War International History Project Work

We think we will give the following answer: ing Paper No. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson

the Soviet government was and continues to be in Stalin to Mao Zedong, 11 January 1949 International Center for Scholars, 1994), 45-46.

favour of the termination of war and the establish10. See record of meeting in f. 0100, op. 43, d. 8, papka 302, 11. 4-6, Archive of Foreign Policy, Russian Federa

ment of peace in China, but before agreeing to As you can see from what you have already tion (AVPRF), Moscow, cited in B. Kulik, “Kitaiskaiia mediation it would like to know whether the other received, our draft of your reply to the Narodnaiia Respublika v period stanovleniia (1949- side—the Chinese Communist party—agrees to Guomindang proposal is aimed at the undermin1952) (Po materialam Arkhiva vneshnei politik RF)” accept Soviet mediation. Therefore the USSR ing of the peace negotiations. Clearly, the (“The Chinese People's Republic in the founding pe- wishes that the other side the Chinese Commu- Guomindang would not agree to peace negotiariod (Materials from the Archive of foreign policy of

nist party—would be informed of the peace ac- tions without foreign powers' mediation, espethe Russian Federation”), Problemi Danego Vostoka 6

tion by the Chinese government, and that the cially that of the USA. It is also clear that the (1994), 77.

other side would be asked for its agreement to the 11. AVPRF, f. 07, op. 23a, d. 235, papka 18, 1. 134; also

Guomindang will not agree to negotiate without in SSSR-KNR (1949-1983): Dokumenti i materiali

mediation by the USSR. That is how we are the participation of Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kai(Documents and materials on USSR-PRC relations, planning to answer and we ask you to inform us shek) and other war criminals. We assume therepart one (1949-1983)] (Moscow: Historico-Documen- whether you agree to this. If you do not, give your fore that the Guomindang would reject peace tary Department and Far Eastern Department, Ministry advice for a more expedient answer.

negotiations on CCP terms. The result will be of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, 1985), 31-32; see also We also think that your answer, in case you that the CCP agrees to the peace negotiations and Goncharov, Lewis, and Litai, Uncertain Partners, 121.

will be asked for it, should be something like this: it will be impossible to accuse it of being eager to 12. SSSR-KNR (1949-1983), p. 35.

continue the civil war. The Guomindang, howThe Chinese Communist party has al- ever, will receive the blame for breaking the WESTAD

ways been a supporter of peace in China, peace talks. Thus, the peace maneuver of the continued from page 7

because the civil war in China had not Guomindang and the USA will be frustrated, and

been started by it, but by the Nanjing you will be able to continue your victorious war a divided China. The visit of Soviet Polit- government, which should bear all re- of liberation.

sponsibility for the consequences of the

We are waiting for your answer. buro member Anastas Mikoyan to the CCP

war. The Chinese Communist party is headquarters later that winter did not do

in favour of talks with the Guomindang, Filippov (Stalin] much to mitigate mutual suspicions; indeed,

but without the participation of those Mao on several occasions during the dec

war criminals who provoked the civil (Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 330, pp. 97-99.) ades to come referred to this episode as an war in China. The Chinese Communist example of Soviet duplicity.

party is in favour of the direct negotiaThe documents were translated from tions with the Guomindang, without any Russian by Maxim Korobochkin; see also

foreign mediators. The Chinese Com

Mao Zedong to Stalin, 13 January 1949 S.L. Tikhvinskii, “Iz Prezidenta RF:

munist party especially finds it impos

sible to accept the mediation by a forPerepiska I.V. Stalina s Mao Tszedunom v

Comrade Filippov,

eign power which takes part in the civil yanvare 1949 g.", Novaya i noveisha istoriya

war against the Chinese Popular Libera

I received your telegram of January 10. 4-5 (July-October 1994), 132-40.

tion forces with its armed forces and

1. We think that the government of the navy, because such a power cannot be USSR should give the following answer to the regarded as neutral and impartial in the note by the Nanjing government proposing that liquidation of the war in China.

the USSR accepts mediation in the termination of Stalin to Mao Zedong, 10 January 1949

the civil war in China: We think that your answer should be ap

The government of the USSR has Comrade Mao Zedong.

proximately like this. If you do not agree, let us always wished, and still wishes, to see know of your opinion.

China as a peaceful, democratic and On January 9 we received a note from the

As for your visit to Moscow, we think that in united country. But it is for the people Nanjing government, proposing that the Soviet

the view of the abovementioned circumstances of China itself to choose the way to government act as a mediator between the Nanjing you should, unfortunately, postpone your trip achieve peace, unity and democracy in government and the Chinese Communist party again for some time, because your visit to Mos- China. The government of the USSR, (CCP) in the termination of war and the conclu

cow in this situation would be used by the en- relying on the principle of noninterfersion of peace. A similar proposal was sent

emies to discredit the Chinese Communist party ence in the other countries' internal simultaneously to the governments of the USA,

as a force allegedly dependent on Moscow, which, affairs, cannot accept mediation beBritain and France. The Nanjing government has

certainly, could bring no benefit to the Commu- tween the two sides in the civil war in nist party of China or to the USSR.

China.

*

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2. We think that although the USA, En- Chinese people.

party and its troops, and that would lead to the gland, and France, and especially the USA, are We are deeply concerned by the fact that this political death of the Guomindang leaders and the very willing to take part in mediation to termi- deception will have a large influence on the people total disintegration of the Guomindang army. nate the war in China and thus achieve their and make us start another political detour, i.e. to Second, because they know that the Communist goal—to preserve the Guomindang regime—the refrain from rejecting peace negotiations with the party will not make peace with the Guomindang, governments of these countries, especially the Guomindang. We are delaying the creation of the as it cannot abandon its principal policy of liquiUS government, have already lost their prestige coalition government. Our principal objective is dation of the Guomindang and its troops. among the Chinese public, and as the victory of to make the Americans and the Guomindang put So what does Nanjing want after all? It the PLA nationwide and the downfall of the all their aces on the table, while we keep our aces wants not peace with the Communist party, but an Guomindang regime is already in sight-it seems until the last moment.

armistice, a temporary termination of hostilities questionable whether they still wish to continue We have recently published a list of war to use the armistice as a respite to restore order their assistance to the Nanjing government and criminals, 43 persons, unofficially (a statement by among Guomindang troops, to fortify the south thus further offend the PLA.

a person of authority). The PLA has not yet issued bank of the Yangzi, to ship armaments from the Only the USSR has a very high prestige an order to arrest these war criminals.

USA, to reinforce and then to break the truce and among the Chinese people, so if the USSR in its On January 1 Jiang Jieshi delivered his peace deliver a blow on the People's Liberation forces, reply to the note by the Nanjing government will proposal. We gave an unofficial answer to this, blaming the Communist party for the breakdown take the position outlined in your telegram of too (an editorial article by a journalist). To sum of negotiations. Their minimal wish is to prevent January 10, it would make the USA, England and up, we have left some room for a volte face, to see the total defeat of the Guomindang forces by the France assume that participating in mediation is how the Chinese people and international opinion Communist party. an appropriate thing, and give the Guomindang a would react to the Guomindang's deceptive nego- This is the basis of the current deception pretext for scolding us as warlike elements. tiations.

policy of Nanjing and the USA. And the broad popular masses, which are But now we are inclined towards rejecting 3. How can one respond to this maneuver by displeased with the Guomindang and hope for an the peace deception by the Guomindang with full Nanjing and the USA? Two replies are possible. early victory of the PLA, would find themselves righteousness, because now, as the balance of First reply: to reject the Nanjing peace proposals in despair.

class forces in China has already changed irre- openly and directly, thus declaring the necessity If therefore it is possible for the USSR, in versibly and the international opinion is also of the continuation of civil war. But what would view of overall international relations, to make unfavourable to the Nanjing government, the PLA that mean? That means, first, that you had put its reply along the lines which we are proposing, will be able to cross the Yangzi this summer and your principal ace on the table and surrendered a we would wish very much that you approve of start the offensive towards Nanjing.

very important weapon—the banner of peaceour proposals. By doing so, you will help us It looks like we do not have to make one more into the hands of the Guomindang. It means, enormously.

political detour. In the present situation this second, that you are helping your enemies in

maneuver would be damaging rather than benefi- China and outside China to accuse the Commu3. One should think thoroughly whether it is cial.

nist party as the advocate of continuing the civil possible to let people from the Nanjing govern- 4. Thank you for asking for our opinion on war, and to praise the Guomindang as the dement, including war criminals, take part in peace such an important issue. If you do not agree with fender of peace. It means, third, that you are negotiations with us. As of now we are inclined my opinion as expressed here or would introduce giving the USA an opportunity to brainwash toward the following position: the unconditional corrections, please let me know.

public opinion in Europe and America on the surrender of the Nanjing government is neces

lines that no peace is possible with the Commusary to give the people of China a real peace as

Mao Zedong

nist party, because it does not want peace, and soon as possible.

that the only way to achieve peace in China is to By starting the war, the Nanjing govern

organize an armed intervention by foreign powment committed a great crime—it has lost the

ers like the intervention which had taken place in confidence of the nation. To reach an early Stalin to Mao Zedong, 14 January 1949 Russia for four years from 1918 to 1921. termination of war and a peace settlement the

We think that a direct and overt answer is Nanjing government should surrender its powers To Comrade Mao Zedong.

good when you are dealing with honest people, to the people. It has no reason for procrastinat

but when you have to deal with political swin

We received your long telegram on the dlers, like the Nanjing people, a direct and overt We think that if we now would start peace Nanjing peace proposal.

answer can become dangerous. negotiations with people like Zhang Zhizhong or 1. Certainly it would be better if the Nanjing But a different answer is also possible. i.e.: Shao Lizi and enter into a coalition government government's peace proposal did not exist at all, a) to accept the desirability of a peace settlement with these people, that would be the exact fulfill- if this whole peace maneuver by the USA was in China; b) to conduct negotiations without ment of the US government's wishes.

nonexistent. Clearly, this maneuver is disagreable, foreign mediators, as China is a sovereign counAnd that would bring much dissent among because it can bring some trouble to our common try and has no need for foreign mediators; c) to the people of China, the democratic parties and cause. But, unfortunately, this maneuver does conduct negotiations between the Communist popular organizations and even within the CCP, exist, it is a fact and we cannot close our eyes on party and the Guomindang as a party, not with the and would be very damaging for our current this fact, we have to accept it.

Nanjing government, (which is] bearing the blame position of having all virtue on our side.

2. Undoubtedly, the peace proposal by for starting the civil war and thus has lost the Starting from July 1946 we have been cau- Nanjing and the USA is a manifestation of a confidence of the people; d) as soon as the parties tiously paying attention to the deceptive charac- policy of deception. First, because Nanjing does come to an agreement on the problems of peace ter of the negotiations which the US government not really want peace with the Communist party, and of the government of China, the hostilities and the Guomindang would inevitably start after as the peace with the Communist party would would be terminated. the military defeat of the latter, and to the degree mean the rejection by the Guomindang of its Can the Guomindang accept these condiof influence which this deception has on the principal policy of liquidation of the Communist tions? We think it cannot. But if the Guomindang

ing.

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will not accept these conditions, the people will (Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 330, pp. 110-113.) The Official Statement on the Soviet realize, that the Guomindang and not the Com

Government's Answer to the Note by the munist party is to blame for the continuation of

Nanjing Government (Izvestia, 18 January civil war. The banner of peace in this case rests

1949) in the hands of the Communist party. This issue Mao Zedong to Stalin, 14 January 1949 is especially important now, when a lot of people

On January 8 the Chinese Foreign Ministry in China are tired of the civil war and are ready to Comrade Filippov,

presented a memorandum to the Soviet Embassy support the advocates of peace.

in China, containing an appeal by the Chinese But let us assume the impossible and imag- 1. I was glad to receive your supplementary government to the Soviet government to act as a ine that the Guomindang had accepted these telegram of January 11. On the principal line (the mediator in the peace negotiations between the terms. What should the Communist Party's plans breakdown of large scale negotiations with the Chinese government and the Chinese Commuof actions be like?

Guomindang (GMD), the continuation of the nist party. As the Soviet Ambassador was inFirst, it would be necessary to refrain from revolutionary war to the end) we agree with you formed, the Chinese government had sent a simiterminating the hostilities and then to create the completely.

lar appeal to the governments of the United States central coalition government organs in such a Today we published eight conditions under of America, Great Britain and France. way that approximately three fifths of seats in the which we (would) agree to enter into peace nego- On January 17 the Deputy Foreign Minister Consultative Council and two thirds of the posts tiations with the Guomindang. These conditions of the USSR cmrd. Vyshinsky A. Ya. received in the government would be retained by the are put forward against the five reactionary con- the Chinese Ambassador in the USSR Mr. Fu Communists, and the other seats and posts would ditions which Jiang Jieshi mentioned in his peace Bing Ciang and gave him the answer of the Soviet be distributed between other democratic parties proposal of January 1.

government, which points out that the Soviet and the Guomindang.

Several days ago already the Americans government, always loyal to the principle of nonSecond, it is necessary that the posts of the sounded out our opinion—whether we would interference in the internal affairs of other counprime minister, Commander in Chief, and, if wish to conduct peace negotiations with the tries, does not regard it expedient to accept the possible, that of the president, be occupied by Guomindang without the 43 war criminals. So mediation mentioned in the memorandum. Communists.

this sole condition—negotiating without war The answer of the Soviet government notes Third, the Consultative Council should de- criminals—is no longer sufficient to undermine that the restoration of China's integrity as a democlare this coalition government the only govern- the intrigue of the Guomindang peace negotia- cratic peace-loving state is the affair of the Chiment of China, and any other government, pre- tions.

nese people itself and that this integrity could be tending to be the government of China, should be 2. [This point dealt with the work of the CCP probably best achieved by the direct declared a rebel group, subject to be disbanded. radio station.]

negotiatiations between the internal forces of And, finally, the coalition government should 3. Since the publication of the Guomindang's China, without foreign interference. order both your troops and the Guomindang troops peace proposals there has been much fuss in the to swear allegiance to the coalition government GMD-controlled areas and the population is en (Source: Soviet-Chinese Relations, 1917-57. Coland that hostilities against the troops which had masse demanding peace from the Guomindang, lection of documents (Moscow, 1959), p. 209.) given the oath would be terminated immediately, reproaching the Guomindang that its peace conwhile they would be continued against the troops ditions are too severe. which had refused to give the oath.

The agitation and propaganda organs of the

CARTER-BREZHNEV CONFERENCE

HELD ON SOVIET INTERVENTION It seems unlikely that the Guomindang would Guomindang are hastily explaining why the

IN AFGHANISTAN, 1979 agree to these measures, but if they would not, it Guomindang needs to preserve its legal status would be also detrimental for them, because they and its army. We think that this disorder in the would be totally isolated, and these measures Guomindang-controlled regions will be increas- On 17-20 September 1995, in Lysebu, would be carried out without them. ing further.

Norway, the Norwegian Nobel Institute hosted 4. This is our understanding of the issue and

an oral history conference on the 1979 Soviet our advice to you. Maybe we were not able to Mao Zedong

intervention in Afghanistan. The gathering, present our advice clearly enough in our previous

which included scholars and former Soviet telegram.

(Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 330, pp. 104-105.) and American officials, was a continuation of We ask you to regard our advice as advice

the Carter-Brezhnev Project (see CWIHP only, which does not impose any obligations on

Bulletin 5 (Spring 1994), p. 140) to explore the you and which you can accept or turn down. You

collapse of superpower detente in the late can be sure that your rejection of our advice will Stalin to Mao Zedong, 15 January 1949 1970s and its possible implications for Rusnot influence our relations and we will remain

sian-American relations. The principal orgayour friends as we have ever been. To Comrade Mao Zedong.

nizer of the Project is Dr. James G. Blight, 5. As for our answer to the Nanjing media

Center for Foreign Policy Development, Thotion proposal, it will be in the spirit of your We have just received your last short tele- mas J. Watson Institute for International Studproposals.

gram, which shows that we now have unanimous ies, Brown University. Efforts to obtain de6. We still insist that you postpone tempo- opinions on the issue of the Nanjing peace pro- classified documentation from U.S., Russian, rarily your visit to Moscow, as your presence in posal and that the Communist party of China has and other sources has been led by the National China is essential now. If you want we can already started its "peace" campaign. Thus, the Security Archive and CWIHP. A report on the immediately send an authoritative member of the matter is now closed.

results of the conference, including translaPolitbureau to Harbin or some other place to

tions of newly-available East-bloc documents negotiate on issues of interest to you.

Filippov (Stalin]

on Afghanistan, will appear in the next issue

of the CWIHP Bulletin. Filippov (Stalin)

(Source: APRF, f. 45, op. 1, d. 330, p. 118.)

NEW RUSSIAN DOCUMENTS ON THE KOREAN WAR

Introduction and Translations significant first months of the conflict. (Un- Vasilevsky on February 23 (document #4) fortunately, some key materials from this

supports accounts given by former DPRK by Kathryn Weathersby

period, particularly the months immediately military officers that Stalin began taking

preceding the war, have not yet become steps to strengthen the North Korean miliIn the previous issue of the Cold War available; for key documents from mid-Sep- tary forces even before Kim Il Sung's secret International History Project Bulletin (Issue tember to mid-October 1950, covering events trip to Moscow in April, by appointing Ma5, Spring 1995 pp. 1, 2-9), I described the from the Inchon landing to China's decision jor-General Vasiliev, a Hero of the Soviet collection of high-level documents on the to intervene in the war, see the article by Union and section chief for War Experience Korean War that Russian President Boris Alexandre Y. Mansourov elsewhere in this Analysis in the Soviet General Staff, to reYeltsin presented to President Kim Young issue of the CWIHP Bulletin.) It then offers place Shtykov as principal military adviser Sam of South Korea in June 1994. I also a more selective sample of documents from to the Korean People's Army (KPA).3 presented translations of six key documents spring 1951 through the end of the war, From Shtykov's telegram to Foreign from that collection that illuminate the deci- focusing primarily on Stalin's approach to Minister Andrei Vyshinsky on February 7 sion-making behind the outbreak of full- the armistice negotiations. As the reader will (document #2), we see how closely Stalin scale war in Korea in June 1950. Since the quickly discover, these documents of high- supervised events in North Korea, deciding publication of the Spring 1995 Bulletin, the level decision-making within the Soviet gov- whether the DPRK could issue a bond, form base of documentary evidence on the Ko- ernment and within the Moscow-Beijing- an additional three infantry divisions, conrean War has been enriched even more by Pyongyang alliance shed light on many ques- vene the Supreme People's Assembly, or the release of virtually the entire collection tions about the Korean War, the Sino-Soviet send textile workers to the Soviet Union for of high-level documents on the war declas- alliance, Soviet relations with North Korea training. Documents #5-9 indicate the reasified by the Presidential Archive in Mos- (the Democratic People's Republic of Ko- son why the highly nationalistic Korean cow, which numbers approximately 1,200 rea, or DPRK), Soviet attitudes toward the communists allowed such interference in pages. Through a joint project of the Center United States, and the making of Soviet their country's affairs. As I discussed in the for Korean Research of Columbia Univer- foreign policy in general in the last years of previous Bulletin, prior to the Korean War, sity and the Cold War International History Stalin's life. In this brief commentary I will North Korea was dependent on the Soviet Project, these documents are now available therefore not attempt to provide a close ex- Union for the substantial quantities of goods to all interested researchers. 1

amination of these documents, as I have in and the broad range of expertise needed to The Presidential Archive (known offi- two previous Bulletin articles (and a related construct a new socialist state out of an cially as the Archive of the President, Rus- article in The Journal of American-East Asian abruptly truncated portion of the former sian Federation, or APRF) is the repository Relations).2 Instead, I will point out some of Japanese empire. From 1945-1950, the only to which, during the Soviet era, the Kremlin the most important questions these new place to which the DPRK could turn for this leadership sent its most sensitive records for

sources address, provide additional back- support was the Soviet Union. Though many safekeeping and ready access. Its holdings ground information drawn from my research North Korean communists had close ties to are therefore more selective than those of in other Soviet archives, and offer some the Chinese communist party, the latter was the archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry, preliminary conclusions.

not in a position to aid its Korean comrades. the Central Committee of the Communist The documents presented below begin In early 1950, the new People's Republic of Party (CC CPSU), and the General Staff of where the records published in the previous China (PRC) government in Beijing led by the Soviet Armed Forces, the other major Bulletin left off, with Stalin's telegram to the Mao Zedong was itself forced to turn to repositories used by historians of the Cold Soviet ambassador in Pyongyang on 30 Janu- Moscow for economic and military aid. As War. The release of a large portion of the ary 1950 informing Kim Il Sung that he documents #11 and #13 indicate, in the spring APRF's documents on the Korean War con- would “assist” him in the matter of reunify- of 1950 Mao Zedong and Kim Il Sung were sequently provides a critical addition to ing Korea by military means. Document #1 both interested in the possibility of developavailable evidence on the high-level deci- reveals that Kim Il Sung and Soviet Ambas- ing wider trade and closer communications sions and deliberations of the communist sador T.F. Shtykov interpreted Stalin's mes- between the PRC and the DPRK. Close side during this pivotal conflict.

sage as approval to plan an offensive cam- economic and military ties between This article presents translations of and paign against South Korea. The North Ko- Pyongyang and Beijing developed after the commentary on a sizable portion of this rean leader received Stalin's telegram with Chinese entered the Korean War; they were recently-released APRF collection on the “great satisfaction” and informed Shtykov not in place prior to October 1950.4 Korean War. It begins with most of the that he would begin preparations for a meet- At Stalin's insistence, after secretly rereleased documents covering February 1950 ing with Stalin at which the details of the ceiving the Soviet leader's conditional green through January 1951, providing a close campaign would be worked out. Shtykov's light for an attack against South Korea durlook at the Soviet role in Korea during the telegram to Soviet Defense Minister A.M. ing a secret summit in Moscow in April (for

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