Government, as a fitting recognition of his tribute to that great statesman. When the picture was presented with due ceremony the impression produced may be fairly said to have affected the whole of educated China.

A greater service to the enlightenment and welfare of that land, but one less appreciated by its inhabitants, was the minister's proposal, which found favour with the officials, to employ Professor Raphael Pumpelly - visiting Peking during the autumn of 1863, after completing a geological investigation in Japan — to make a report on the coal measures near the capital. The significance of the permission thus obtained can be understood only when we remember that the conservatives were most jealous and fearful of allowing foreigners to secure precisely such information as this upon the mineral resources of the empire. It was Mr. Burlingame's plan to interest the high officials in exploiting these resources for the profit of the state and involve them logically in the necessity of applying railways and engines, when they should see for themselves that their business demanded such things. This expectation was not justified, indeed, because those officials had no loyal conception of advantages to the empire as distinguished from their personal benefit; but the

eagerness of foreigners to exploit their mines at once alarmed the native mind, none too anxious at best to tamper with the mysteries of science and nature, and pushed them in their terror into increasing obstinacy of refusal. It may be contended that Mr. Burlingame was deceived, and that the mandarins were playing upon his abounding good-nature, but the fact remains true that, judged merely from the lower motive of a quid pro quo, his trust in their sincerity secured greater concessions from the government in five years than came to foreigners by peaceful means in the following forty.

His insight was less apt to err than the learning and experience of others on many occasions where the personal factor was predominant. The sentiment of personal dignity-"saving the face," as it is called in China has a more serious meaning there than elsewhere. Realising this, he was ever ready to assuage the feelings of the men with whom he was called to deal, and, if need be, to avoid pressing an unpleasant point until unpleasant language became necessary. Had proper attention been given by other foreigners to the susceptibilities of people of oldfashioned culture, the paths of diplomacy might have been pleasanter and have led, perhaps, to more profitable results in the Far East during

the past half-century. Mr. Burlingame's benign consideration, though temperamental in its origin, was an essential factor in his diplomacy, and it paid. As the American people have lately been reminded by Dr. Wu Ting-fang's intrepid sarcasm, "China is not like America, England, or any part of Europe. We have been thought to be a peculiar people. We are peculiar in some ways in politeness, civility, and

As objections to Mr. Burlingame's work in China were chiefly based upon the charge that he was much too easy with a people deeply versed in the arts of chicanery, it is proper here to quote a characteristic letter in which his principles of action are briefly set forth:

I have the honour to enclose a correspondence in relation to smuggling and arrests on the Yangtse. The strictures of the Prince upon Mr. Seward are alluded to in dignified language in my reply, and were subsequently made the subject of satisfactory explanations. . . . The trouble here is that the local authorities, desiring to make a show of activity, send up the most exaggerated statements in relation to everybody and everything. The consuls form a fruitful subject of their attack; but learning at length that their statements are not permitted to go unchallenged, the local Chinese officials are be

1 Speech at the annual dinner of the American Asiatic Association in New York, September 20, 1909. (Journal American Asiatic Association, vol. 9, p. 266.)

coming more cautious. The authorities here, exasperated at the undeniable violations of the treaty by lawless parties, are too apt to confound respectable merchants with smugglers and rebels and to use the same language in reference to all. Time and patience alone are required to correct these things. I do not reply in kind: if I did, the controversy would be endless and fruitless. My practice is to correspond as little as possible, and then to make my letters brief and plain. This course gradually wins their respect and leads them into more respectful style. Nothing confuses these men more than to let them know that you think they have been wanting in politeness. I am trying with my colleagues to secure a mixed commission, which will at least collect evidence not to be denied by either party. Now both parties send up the most confusing and contradictory statements. From these I say one thing and the Chinese another; from this unpromising attitude we seek an equitable solution of questions. In the interests of justice I sometimes go to the verge of diplomatic propriety in seeking to controvert what I may deem the false statements of their officials.

The Chinese feel sensitive when I give more weight to our people's statements than to those of their people. In an enclosure you will find a significant illustration of this feeling, where they express the hope that as they believed my statements in the Scotland case, that I will believe theirs as unquestionably in turn. I write the above to show the difficulties of the situation and to explain the correspondence which I sometimes send you. I believe my relations with them were never better than they are at present. Our frequent interviews have made.

us well acquainted and strengthened our faith in each other.1

During an absence on leave in America between the spring of 1865 and the autumn of 1866, Mr. Burlingame was able to advise the department of state upon the condition of affairs and to discuss with the secretary some proposals for future activity in China. Mr. Seward was personally a cordial supporter of his policy there, but in the turmoil of reconstruction after the Civil War little interest in the East could be enlisted from Congress or the politicians of America, and nothing was accomplished. One suggestion embodied in a dispatch of the secretary, dated December 15, 1865, may, however, be noted as a promoting cause of the first essay made by China to examine into and report upon foreign nations through an agent of her own.

SIR: The harmonious condition of the relations between the United States and China, and the importance of the commerce between them, would make it agreeable to this government to receive

1 Burlingame to Seward, May 26, 1864. "Diplomatic Correspondence," 1865, part III, p. 382. "While such are our obligations with respect to the foreign representatives in China," he writes Consul G. F. Seward at another time, "they are equally strong toward the Chinese officials, whether native or foreign; for it is through these that we maintain our relations with China, and any want of courtesy or consideration at once reacts upon ourselves and destroys our power for usefulness." (Ibid., p. 430.)