from the Emperor a diplomatic representative of a grade corresponding with your own. It is true that this would be a novel, if not an unprecedented step on the part of that government. As treaties, however, have for many years been in force between China and Christian nations, and as the empire may now be disposed to respect the obligations of public law, it strikes us that the Emperor's Government would be consulting their own interest, and would be reciprocating that which, to a degree, at least, is a courtesy on our part, by having a diplomatic agent here, whose province it would be to see that our obligations toward China, under the treaties and law of nations, are fulfilled, and who might report to his government upon that and other interesting topics. China also may be said to have special reasons for the measure in respect to the United States, as her subjects are so numerous in this country, particularly in California. You will consequently bring this matter to the attention of that government, and may say that, if the suggestion should be adopted, it would be peculiarly gratifying to the President.1

This document was obviously intended to be shown to the Tsung-li Yamên, and was forwarded to Mr. Williams, the chargé in Peking, who could be trusted to soften in translation its slightly patronising tone. It may have quickened the resolve of that body to accede to a proposal which had often before been made to them, though, as Mr. Williams reports:

1 Seward to Burlingame, "United States Foreign Relations," 1866, part I, p. 487.

They have acted in it now without any urging, and apparently from a conviction of the benefits which they may derive; so that, being quite voluntary on their part, the step is regarded by the diplomatic body here as an advance in the right direction. The delegate sent on this mission is Pin-Chun (addressed as Pin-tajin), who has been acting for two or three years as revisor of custom-house returns, in connection with the foreign inspectorate, and has thus been brought into contact with foreigners and learned as much of their countries as his opportunities allowed. Before leaving the capital he was raised to the third rank, and formally introduced by Prince Kung to the foreign ministers on their New Year's visit as his agent to their respective countries, sent on the part of the Foreign Office. His instructions require him to make careful notes on the customs, peoples, and all objects of interest in the lands he visits.

This mission from China to the West will be of great benefit to this government, if Pin-tajin brings back such an account as will encourage it in its foreign policy. It is, perhaps, better in some respects that the first attempt to break through the policy of the empire should be by sending a private agent, who can report without further committing the government; see other lands, as it were, with his own eyes, and test, in some degree, the descriptions that have been given it of those regions. It seems to me desirable, therefore, that while the party sees whatever is deemed most worthy its inspection, no great éclat should be made during its short stay in America. Since the appointment was made the Foreign Office has been much pleased at the approbation unexpectedly evinced by other high officials

in Peking at the move, and consequently their interest in its result will be increased.1

But China was in no real sense ready for the results of such an adventure. An infinitesimal minority of her governing class had profited, indeed, by the instructions of a few foreigners and adjusted themselves to their novel position in relation to Western countries; yet there was no such agreement between Oriental and Occidental as these friendly interviews at the foreign office seemed to imply. Even if there had been, the essentially democratic nature of Chinese control would have made it impossible for the central authority at Peking to impose a totally new policy upon the empire — as Japan was doing at the time without first converting the literati class throughout the country. Pin, as it transpired, was a mere pawn pushed forward upon the chess-board of Chinese politics; he was not even allowed by the obscurantists to publish a report upon what he had seen. His interest to us lies solely in the fact that in sending him abroad the government admitted that it could do such a thing; but his "mission" was hailed at the time by foreigners as the har

1 Williams to Seward, March 10, 1866. One of the attachés of this party, Chang Teh-ming, served subsequently as Chinese minister to Great Britain. The "mission" is described in Miss Bredon's "Sir Robert Hart," London, 1909, pp. 112 ff.

binger of a new era, and "commended so warmly by the foreign ministers to their governments that the emissary was received like the Queen of Sheba by King Solomon, and shown at least in Great Britain everything that was admirable from the Western point of view. He was as far, however, from appreciating the triumphs of science as was Cetewayo the Zulu, whose admiration of England focussed itself on the elephant Jumbo at the Zoological Gardens."1

It is easier, however, to philosophise upon the vanity of expectation a generation after the event than to foresee the sterility of a hope before it is proved to be baseless. The time had not yet come to despair, although on Mr. Burlingame's return to Peking the foreign envoys there had begun to realise that it was useless to anticipate great results from their attempts to infuse vigour into the Central Government. Its policy of inertia seemed at once the easiest and most effective means of withstanding the demands of those preposterous outsiders. "The stimulus or the fear (writes Mr. Williams, August 10, 1866), caused by the approach of foreign troops to Peking six years ago is losing its former potency. It is very wearisome to be obliged to constantly urge the members of the

1 Michie, "The Englishman in China," II, p. 137.

Foreign Office to do their duty, and oblige the local authorities to fulfil treaty stipulations whenever our citizens suffer wrong, while, at the same time, one feels that they either cannot, or will not, or dare not, act efficiently. I think sometimes that they have become utterly discouraged with the multiplicity and urgency of the questions and grievances brought before them for settlement and reparation." If the few officials friendly to foreigners had fallen away from their earlier rapprochement during Mr. Burlingame's absence, it was true conversely that a growing indifference was shown by his confrères in the legations toward his idea of co-operation. The practical disability of this idea arose from its moral elevation; it was, in a way, a counsel of perfection requiring not only patience, but repression, to effect its perfect work, and repression involved the restraint of impatient groups of merchants at the ports, who had from the outset flouted any notions of morality in dealing with Asiatics.

In the important matter of amending the scandal of coolie emigration from China, the foreign ministers found a comprehensive national agreement difficult at first, but they pursued, on the whole, a consistent and creditable policy, which after some years stopped the evils of