Conjecture was rife among foreigners in China at the time as to her probable reason for creating such an embassy. The fact that it was quickly resolved made them conclude the existence of some fresh and impelling motive. They did not reflect that with autocratic rulers such decisions are not infrequently the outcome of sudden inspirations, and that it is only the long debate demanded by constitutionally governed states which prohibits an impulsive venture. Suggestions to this end had been made often enough both by foreigners and their own officials, so that the project itself could hardly be a novelty to the Imperial Government. The Empress-Dowager Tsz Hsi was impulsive by temperament and quick to act when mastered by a new resolve. Her confidence in Prince Kung was at the time complete. We have seen that his feeling toward Mr. Burlingame was rather more kindly than toward any other foreigner at the capital, and that he looked upon him as a friend of China. In the absence of any documentary evidence upon the court view of the incident, it does not require much subtlety to infer that when the Prince proposed sending such an advocate of China to foreign countries, the Empress acquiesced in the suggestion as a venture in which there could be little risk of loss

and might be a handsome prospect of gain. To one of smaller intellectual calibre such a step would have been repugnant merely because it was unprecedented, but we know now that the master-mind of China during the past halfcentury repeatedly acted in this way.1

The genesis of the Chinese Mission to the foreign powers is best set forth in the documents published in the "Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States," and presently to be quoted. After resigning his post as American minister by telegram to the secretary of state "in the interests of my country and civilisation," on November 21, 1867, Mr. Burlingame proceeded by cart with his family and a few friends on the 25th to Tientsin. It was characteristic of the disordered state of China at that time that the party should be threatened by a band of mounted brigands, and compelled to find safety in a village en route; it was equally characteristic of the habits of foreigners living in China that help should be sought from the legations in Peking and from a British

1 Two recent biographies enable us to make some historical estimate of her: Bland and Backhouse, "China Under the Empress Dowager," and P. W. Sergeant, "The Great Empress Dowager of China." It may have been remembered in the palace that an embassy sent by Japan to the European powers in 1861 to request a postponement of the dates when their treaties should come in force had been successful in delaying the opening of Hyogo and Niigata as trade ports for five years,

gunboat lying at Tientsin, while the Imperial Government, whose ambassador was supposed to be in personal danger, did nothing at all because it was not notified of the matter. During a stay of a month in Shanghai awaiting the Chinese members of the Mission, who thought it more prudent to repair thither by mule-cart rather than by steamer, Mr. Burlingame, visited the Viceroy Tsêng Kwo-fan at Nanking. Had that statesman, at the time the greatest man in China, cared to indorse the Mission he might have given it a national character. As it was, he considered it a palace experiment with which the provinces had no concern, and, while receiving the ambassador with civility, gave no public indication of his approval.1 From Shanghai Mr. Burlingame sent Mr. Seward the following account of his appointment:

You will have learned from my telegram from Peking of my appointment by the Chinese Government as "envoy" to the treaty powers, and of my acceptance of the same. The facts in relation to the

1 During his absence in Nanking the edict creating the Mission was published. From a contemporary account we learn that while at Shanghai "the high mandarins and government officials in the region round about called on Mr. Burlingame, and manifested in every way the extreme respect in which they held him in consequence of the position in which he had been confirmed and the unprecedented dignity conferred upon him. It was found impossible to prevent them from prostrating themselves before him, and he could only remain passive and receive their attentions." ("American Annual Cyclopædia.")

appointment are as follows: I was on the point of proceeding to the treaty ports of China to ascertain what changes our citizens desired to have made in the treaties, provided a revision should be determined upon, after which it was my intention to resign and go home. The knowledge of this intention coming to the Chinese, Prince Kung gave a farewell dinner, at which great regret was expressed at my resolution to leave China, and urgent requests made that I would, like Sir Frederick Bruce, state : China's difficulties, and inform the treaty powers of their sincere desire to be friendly and progressive. This I cheerfully promised to do. During the conversation Wênsiang, a leading man of the empire, said, "Why will you not represent us officially?" I repulsed the suggestion playfully, and the conversation passed to other topics.

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Subsequently I was informed that the Chinese were most serious, and a request was made through Mr. Brown, Chinese secretary of the British legation, that I should delay my departure for a few days, until a proposition could be submitted to me. I had no further conversation with them until the proposition was made in form, requesting me to act for them as ambassador to all the treaty powers. had in the interim thought anxiously upon the subject, and, after consultation with my friends, determined, in the interests of our country and civilisation, to accept. The moment the position was formally tendered I informed my colleagues of all the facts, and am happy to say that they approved of the action of the Chinese, and did all they could to forward the interests of the Mission. J. McLeavy Brown, Esq., Chinese secretary of the British legation, was persuaded, in the common interest, to

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act as first secretary to the Mission, and Mr. Deschamps, a French gentleman, who had accompanied Ping on a visit to Europe, was selected as second secretary. Two Chinese gentlemen of the highest rank were selected from the Foreign Office to conduct the Chinese correspondence, and as "learners." My suite will number about thirty persons. I shall leave for the United States by the February steamer for California. I limit myself in this note to the above brief history of the Mission, reserving my reasons for accepting it to a personal interview at Washington.

I may be permitted to add that when the oldest nation in the world, containing one-third of the human race, seeks, for the first time, to come into relations with the West, and requests the youngest nation, through its representative, to act as the medium of such change, the mission is not one to be solicited or rejected.

Among foreigners in the open ports this unexpected action of a government which had been written down as recalcitrant in all matters affecting "progress" was at first cordially approved. Opinion changed when the event belied their expectations, and Shanghai became subsequently the seat and centre of criticism hostile to the Mission. It is interesting, however, to observe that the earlier impressions formed at that port of Chinese motives for its creation were those which are likely to be accepted as the true ones. The Tsung-li officials,