can be sent to support a new aggression. The United States has not forgotten the words of Chou En-Lai, the Chinese Communist Premier, at the time his "volunteers" were allegedly withdrawn from North Korea last year, when he pledged to his Communist comrades in North Korea that this withdrawal did not mean that the Chinese people "have forsaken their international duty to the Korean people." These words, coming from a regime which has repeatedly refused to forswear the use of force as an instrument of its foreign policy, carry ominous military implications.

Already, since the armistice, United Nations troops in Korea have been greatly reduced. They include two United States divisions, a Turkish brigade, a Thai company, and small liaison groups from other countries. As the Communists have been told many times, the United Nations members are prepared to withdraw their remaining forces from Korea when conditions for a lasting settlement have been fulfilled. A withdrawal under present conditions could lead to only one solution of the Korean question-Communist conquest.

2. I now come to the second Communist contention-that the United Nations is a mere "belligerent” in Korea and has thus "Lost all competence and moral authority to deal fairly with the Korean question."

Even for the Chinese Communists, this statement is a masterpiece of effrontery. It is as if a policeman who had come to quell a riot should be told by the chief rioter, "You have no authority hereyou're just another rioter."

If this contention were to be accepted, we would have to give up all ideas of justice in the affairs of nations. We would have to admit that the hundreds of thousands of deaths and wounds borne by United Nations soldiers in Korea, including large numbers of soldiers of my own country, had been suffered for the sake of an illusion.

The only possible rejoinder to such an outrageous statement is to reassert the principle repeatedly endorsed by the General Assembly. "The United Nations, under its Charter, is fully and rightly empowered to take collective action to repel aggression, to restore peace and security, and to extend its good offices to seeking a peaceful settlement in Korea."

3. Finally we come to the third Communist proposal. All Korean elections to take place at some time after the protection of United Nations troops had been removed, and to be held under "the supervision of a neutral nations organization."

If what the Communists want is genuinely neutral supervision-in other words, impartial supervision-that impartiality could easily be found among the 82 members of the United Nations, who have arranged for supervision of more than one election. But the Commu

nists arbitrarily rule out the United Nations and call for supervision by so-called "neutral nations."

When the Communists chose this phrase they must have thought the United Nations had a very short memory. We have already had experience of "neutral nations supervision" in Korea, which I should point out in fact consisted of two genuine neutrals and two Communist members. In actual operation the Communist members have been anything but neutral. As a consequence the Commission has been unable to fill the role intended by the armistice agreement.

It is this past experience which is our only guide in interpreting the phrase "neutral nations" in the new Communist proposals. It is hard to avoid the conclusion, in pondering this stubborn Communist resistance to free elections, that the authorities in control of North Korea are afraid to let the people in North Korea express their true feelings in an honest vote.

After the most careful examination of these three Communist proposals the United Nations has been unable to find anything in them which suggests a concession or a willingness to reach a reasonable settlement. The proposals are not concessions at all-they are simply one-sided demands.

In such circumstances, Mr. Chairman, the United States believes that the wise course for the United Nations is to stand fast on the principles which we have supported from the beginning and which we know to be right.

First, the right—and in fact the duty-of the United Nations to seek a just settlement of the Korean question in harmony with the principles of the Charter, and to extend its good offices for that purpose.

Second, the requirement of genuinely free elections throughout Korea, to be held under United Nations supervision, and the election of a National Assembly in which representation shall be directly proportionate to the indigenous population in all parts of Korea.

These principles are once again embodied in a draft resolution which will be submitted to this Committee. The United States is sponsoring this draft together with other members. We urge its adoption as the wisest course open to the General Assembly at this time.

Mr. Chairman, I conclude. When an injustice is long continued, and when the perpetrator of the injustice is stubborn, those who have upheld justice may be tempted to grow weary of the struggle. They may also attribute to the offender far more control over the forces of history than he actually possesses. And naturally that is what the offender hopes will happen.

Yet in fact the cause of a free and United Korea is a lively cause. The Republic of Korea is a going concern. The devastation of war is largely repaired. As the latest report of the United Nations Commission on the unification and rehabilitation of Korea clearly shows, its economy is expanding and improving in spite of the handicaps of the division of the country. It has had political controversies but its citizens have also a civil and religious freedom which does not exist in North Korea. The morale and courage of the people in the Republic of Korea continue high. The support of the United Nations, including the forces of the United Nations command which still stand guard, remains firm and unwavering. The recognition of forty states of the free world, membership in nine United Nations specialized agencies, and the support of the vast majority for the Republic of Korea's membership in the United Nations itself, show how this young nation has established itself in the family of nations.

We cannot tell what stresses exist behind the screen of Communist secrecy in North Korea. It is perfectly obvious that the people in that part of the country, under Communist rule, are far worse off than in the south and that they yearn for freedom.

I do not for a moment suggest that the working of these forces will quickly make the Communists change their stand. Their strength and their rigidity are obvious. But I do suggest that the long-range prospects of the Republic of Korea are good. Let us of the United Nations do nothing to dim those prospects. Let us not become tired of true principles merely because the problem before us is not ripe for a solution. The time will come, as it has come in many other cases of justice long deferred, in many parts of the world. What is essential is that the supporters of justice shall keep faith with their principles. Never was this fidelity to principle more necessary for the United Nations than in the case of Korea, in which the United Nations has had an active responsibility from the beginning. If we remain true to the Charter in our stewardship of the Korean question, we will find that in this case too there is no more powerful force working in the minds of men than the desire for a future of freedom and justice. Let us keep that future open for the Korean nation.

Resolution of U.N. General Assembly Reaffirming U.N. Objectives in Korea, December 9, 19591

The General Assembly,

Having received the report of the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea,2

Reaffirming its resolutions 112 (II) of 14 November 1947, 195 (III) of 12 December 1948, 293 (IV) of 21 October 1949, 376 (V) of 7 October 1950, 811 (IX) of 11 December 1954, 910 A (X) of 29 November 1955, 1010 (XI) of 11 January 1957, 1180 (XII) of 29 November 1957 and 1264 (XIII) of 14 November 1958,

Noting that, despite the exchange of correspondence between the communist authorities concerned and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on behalf of the Governments of countries which have contributed forces to the United Nations Command in Korea, in which these Governments expressed their sincere desire to see a lasting settlement of the Korean question in accordance with United Nations resolutions and their willingness to explore any measures designed to bring about reunification on this basis, the communist authorities continue to refuse to co-operate with the United Nations in bringing about a peaceful and democratic solution of the Korean problem,

Regretting that the communist authorities continue to deny the competence and authority of the United Nations to deal with the Korean question, claiming that any resolution on this question adopted by the United Nations is null and void,

Noting further that the United Nations forces which were sent to Korea in accordance with resolutions of the United Nations have for the greater part already been withdrawn, and that the Governments concerned are prepared to withdraw their remaining forces from Korea when the conditions for a lasting settlement laid down by the General Assembly have been fulfilled,

1. Reaffirms that the objectives of the United Nations in Korea are to bring about, by peaceful means, the establishment of a unified, independent and democratic Korea under a representative form of government, and the full restoration of international peace and security in the area;

1U.N. doc. A/RES/1455 (XIV), Dec. 12, 1959.

2 Official Records of the General Assembly, Fourteenth Session, Supplement No. 18 (A/4187 and Corr. 1). [Footnote in original.]

2. Calls upon the communist authorities concerned to accept these established United Nations objectives in order to achieve a settlement in Korea based on the fundamental principles for unification set forth by the nations participating on behalf of the United Nations in the Korean Political Conference held at Geneva in 1954, and reaffirmed by the General Assembly, and to agree at an early date on the holding of genuinely free elections in accordance with the principles endorsed by the Assembly;

3. Requests the United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea to continue its work in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly;

4. Requests the Secretary-General to place the Korean question on the provisional agenda of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly.

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1960