of introducing and perpetuating flavery and defpotifm. THE power and prerogative of the crown, originally defigned to fupport and preferve the equilibrium of our excellent government, will be foon diverted from their channel, and prostituted to ferve the low defigns of party, and to fet up, and maintain a power inconfiftent with the conftitution. We have had inftances of this kind of a very alarming nature; and I believe every dispaffionate man, unheated in the conteft; concerning a late county-election, must think that the freedom and privileges of elections were attacked, in a manner not to be reconciled to the principles of our conftitution, however they may be to the delicacies of Whiggifm. The friends of liberty took the alarm, and as the rights of all the freeholders of this kingdom are fo effentially concerned, I hope they will speedily, and as becomes British freeholders, exert themselves in the defence of their natural, legal, and exclufive right to chufe their own reprefentativès in parliament, and endeavour to reftore this part of the conftitution. For, I will venture to pronounce, if bribery be not foon put a stop to, if the laws for punishing the abandoned knavery and partiality of returning officers be not executed with more rigour, and the abuses in elections foon redreffed by the wifdom of a fober houfe of commons, a free parliament will be little elfe than found, and articulated air. By By abufing the power and prerogative of the crown, and by creating a private and corrupt dependance upon minifters, by bribery, and other undue influences, the balance of power between the king and subject may foon be destroyed; and this fecret and undermining method will be more likely to introduce flavery, and to rivet its chains upon us, than the bold ufurpations of former times, by an open and bare-faced extenfion of the prerogative. The crown is already poffeffed of powers unknown to our former kings, and nothing, at this hour, fecures us from being flaves, but the moderation and goodness of the prince upon the throne. But fhall the liberties of Britain depend upon the temper and inclination of it's kings? God forbid! The condition of a flave is not defined by the ftripes he receives, but by the power of inflicting them, at the will and pleafure of a tyrant, without any other measure than his unruly luft. BUT let us not defpair of our country; a few active, disinterested patriots may, by their zeal and temper, foon alter the face of affairs; and inftead of corruption, profufion of public money, and a total difregard of all private and public morality: virtue, ceconomy, and the love of our country, will, under fuch examples, take place, by which alone we can hope to recover, and fecure our happiness at home, or carry terror to our enemies abroad. I hope the freedom, which may be taken in the course of these papers, will not give offence to any well B 4 1 well-meaning man. They are defigned to emancipate the king from the shackles of an arbitrary administration, to expose to his, and the public view the arts by which his ministers have abused and oppreffed his people, to open thofe paths that lead to true glory, by establishing a mutual confidence between the king and his people. They are defigned to guard my fellow citizens against the incroachments of power, which are advancing with fuch large, but filent ftrides; and to diffect the views of those zealots of party, who impudently call themselves the friends of the government, whilft they act in oppofition to the principles of it; as well as of thofe pfeudo-patriots, who under the mask of liberty and public virtue, conceal their felfinterested and ambitious defigns. OUGHT any Briton to be ashamed, or afraid to avow fuch fentiments? I think not: and therefore, I will hope, however unequal I may be to the office of a Monitor, that my labours will be favourably received by every man, who wishes well to the honour and profperity of Britain. B No. 24 No. 2. SATURDAY, August the 16th, 1755. Vir bonus eft quis? Qui confulta patrum, qui leges, juraque fervat. Mr. FREEHOLDER! VERY man who prefumes to take a part E in to well ac Ε in public affairs, ought to be well ac quainted with the state of parties; with the characters and private views of every person, that either fupports or opposes the administration. Without this knowledge, nay, without the most accurate attention to it, he may become the dupe of both; and instead of promoting the public welfare (which alone ought to be the object of every good citizen) will be an inftrument of haftening the ruin of his country. OUR unhappy divifions are never enough to be lamented: a wife and good prince will endeavour to heal them, and to unite the heads and hearts of his fubjects. His ease and security at home, his weight and influence abroad depend upon it. But alas! how often have crafty minifters prevented fuch a natural union, and by inflaming the rancour and animofity of parties, in order to magnify their own confequence with their fovereign, thrown the prince on a party, and taught him to believe, that they, who op pose pose the measures of his minifters, are enemies to his perfon, family, and government? By these wicked means the divifion of parties continue; and the oppofition given to the measures of the ministry, from time to time, inftead of reforming the abuses of government, has too often furnished pretences for extending the powers of the crown, and for expofing the liberties of the people to much real danger. And I may venture to fay, that nothing has contributed fo much to ftrengthen this faction, as the conduct of fome late patriots, who declaimed themselves into power, betrayed the confidence of the people, and joined the oppreffors of their country. By fuch a behaviour the cause of liberty has been betrayed: And no wonder that many wellmeaning perfons have been induced almoft to defpair of their country; and to think, that every opposition to the meafures of a court has been merely a contention for power, and profecuted from private intereft, and not from a principle of true patriotifm. And when we reflect how often the confidence of the people has been abufed, fince the fall of a certain minifter; who can blame them for their coldness and indifference to all matters relating to government? However, Mr. Freeholder! when I confider you are writing to animate Britons, who never gave up their freedom tamely nor perfidiously, there is no doubt but that a method may be found out of infufing a spirit of liberty into the bofoms of the people, and of regaining their confidence. The attempt |