PART III

THE POLICY OF JAPAN IN CHINA

X. THE DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN'S POLICY IN

CHINA.

XI. POLICY OF ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION.

XII. POLICY OF TERRITORIAL EXPANSION.

XIII. POLICY OF PARAMOUNT INFLUENCE.

XIV. POLICY OF POLITICAL CONTROL.

XV. THE "ASIATIC MONROE DOCTRINE."

XVI. THE "TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS" AS AN ILLUSTRATION OF JAPAN'S POLICIES IN CHINA.

XVII. THE WISDOM OF JAPAN'S POLICY IN CHINA.

X

THE DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN'S POLICY IN CHINA

THE development of Japan's policy in China turned on three successive wars-the Chino-Japanese War (1894-1895), The Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) and the World War (1914-1918). At each of these successive milestones, it has taken a new turn and a new development.

The first stage of Japan's policy was reached in the Chino-Japanese War. It was characterized by the intense national desire to recover judicial and tariff autonomy, and to achieve the status of national equality. Thus the policy of this period, both internal and external, was directed primarily to the upbuilding of a new Japan which could stand on the footing of equality with the Western Powers. In 1897, when the goal of national equality had been reached, Count Okuma said in the House of Representatives: "The national policy, the socalled opening and development of the country, or in other words, this principle of attaining an equal footing with the Powers was, I firmly believe, the motive that has enabled Japan to become a nation advanced in civilization and respected by the world."1

During this period, while the primary concern of Japan was her own development, she was none the less concerned with the independence of Korea, and this because the independence of Korea is indispensable to her safety. Korea is so located geographically in relation to Japan that any attempt to invade the latter from the mainland must first conquer Korea and make that nation a stepping-stone to Japan's subjugation. So, to allow any for

eign Power to hold Korea therefore was, as the Japanese statesmen put it, to allow that Power to hold a dagger at the heart of Japan. For measures of self-defense, therefore she must maintain the independence of Korea.

Holding such a policy, Japan's first object of attack was naturally China, who claimed suzerainty over Korea. To free Korea from the control of China was therefore one of the cardinal principles of her foreign policy. As we have seen, as early as 1876, she had concluded a treaty with Korea recognizing the independence of that state, thus ignoring the suzerainty of China. Again, in 1884, to settle the collision between the Chinese and the Japanese troops in Korea, a convention was arranged that, in case of despatching troops to Korea, previous notice in writing had to be given each to the other, thus successfully limiting the suzerain rights of China, and meanwhile asserting Japan's joint influence over Korea. Finally, in 1894, when, on account of the Tonghak Rebellion, the forces of the two states were brought face to face in Korea, and although the rebellion had already been suppressed by the Korean soldiers, and China had already suggested a simultaneous withdrawal, Japan nevertheless refused to retire. On the contrary she insisted on coöperating for the reformation of the internal administration of Korea, to which China refused to accede. Conflict could have been avoided, had Japan so desired, but she had already determined on her policy which was to extinguish the suzerain claims of China, achieve the independence of Korea, attain a footing of national equality with a defeated China. Thus resolved, and the incident of Kowshing having offered the pretext," she forced the

war.

Having demonstrated her national prowess, she made good use of her victories to consolidate her own position of national equality. By the treaty of Shimonoseki, apart from the recognition of Korean independence, the cession

of the Pescadores, Formosa and Liaotung, and the indemnity of 200,000,000 Kuping taels, she obtained the abrogation of all previous treaties and the conclusion of new ones to be based on "the treaties, conventions and regulations now subsisting between China and European powers,' s," thereby placing herself on a par with the Western Powers in relation to China. Subsequently, in pursuance of the provision, she concluded the Treaty of Commerce, signed at Peking, July 21, 1896, by which she secured extraterritorial jurisdiction and the most favored nation treatment. Meanwhile, vis-à-vis the Western Powers, she concluded one treaty after the other, recovering her judicial and tariff autonomy, until June 30, 1899, when "the operation of all the old treaties came simultaneously to an end and for the first time in history, large, rich and intelligent European communities became subject to the unfettered jurisdiction of an Oriental Non-Christian Power." "

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Although the goal of national equality had been reached, a new menace, more threatening than Chinese influence in Korea, arose upon the horizon of the Japanese mind, and dominated the second stage of the development of Japan's policy. This new menace was the Russian advance in Manchuria. In concert with France and Germany, Russia interposed the tripartite intervention against Japan's possession of Liaotung, which compelled her to disgorge the territory for an additional indemnity of 30,000,000 Kuping taels.10 This act of intervention, initiated by Russia," so incensed Japan that thenceforth, she made the grim resolve to face the new

menace.

"It became to her as clear as daylight that the new position she had acquired in the Orient by her victory over China could be maintained, and even her independence must be guarded, only by an armament powerful