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agreement with Russia, on July 4, 1910, engaging to take common measure against outside interference with their interests within their respective spheres of influence.33 During the War, she entered into a secret treaty of alliance with Russia in 1916, mutually promising armed assistance in case of war. Likewise in 1907, she arranged an agreement with France,35 Russia's ally in the Dual Alliance, for mutual support in their respective spheres in Asia, thereby incidentally facilitating the flotation of her loans in Paris and promoting her own trade in Annam.

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Meanwhile, her relations with the United States became more and more unsatisfactory and, at times, even strained. In launching her policy in China, she realized that the power that would most likely stand in her way of achievement was the United States, who with her espousal of the Open Door doctrine, stood as a guardian over China. She took offense at the terms of the Portsmouth Treaty, and, more so, at the Anti-Alien Land Law and the California School Incident. In concert with Russia, she rejected the neutralization plan of Secretary Knox. During the World War, resenting Wilson's friendly note of 1917 to China which it was claimed, ignored the special position of Japan in China, she despatched the Ishii Mission and obtained recognition from the United States Government of her special interests in China.

Likewise, her relation with Great Britain became less cordial. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1911 exempted the United States from the force of the Alliance-the very nation against whom she would have the Treaty direct its application 36 (Article 4). Article five of Group Five of the Twenty-one Demands asked for railway concessions in the Yangtze Valley which conflicted with British interests (Article 5, Group 5).37 The general aggressive nature of the Twenty-one Demands, especially Group Five, brought forth a storm of protest in the British press.38 As a reaction, especially after the

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failure of Group Five, the Japanese press conducted an anti-British campaign 3 and the Japanese entered meanwhile, in 1916, into a secret alliance with Russia. Above all, the Japanese ambition of winning trade predominance in China conflicted irreconciliably with the British policy of maintaining commercial supremacy.

Summing up the development of Japan's policy in China, it may be said that, during the first stage culminating in the Chino-Japanese War, this policy was directed primarily to the achievement of national equality and the independence of Korea; that during the second period, ending with the Russo-Japanese War, it was centered on the coming struggle with Russia and the maintenance of the Open Door Doctrine in China; but that, with her victory over Russia, came a sharp change in her policy, and she launched upon a career of continental expansion, treading down a martyred Korea and menacing the integrity of China.

NOTES TO CHAPTER X

1. Alfred Stead, Japan by the Japanese, p. 219.
2. Vide supra, chapter on the Loss of Dependencies.
3. State Papers, Vol. 67, pp. 530-533.

4. State Papers, Vol. 76, pp. 297-298.

5. Vide supra, chapter on the Loss of Dependencies.

6. Hertslet, Vol. 1, p. 364, Art. 6.

7. Hertslet, Vol. 1, p. 379 et seq., Arts. 20, 21, 22.

8. Hertslet, Vol. 1, p. 381, Art. 25.

9. J. H. Longford, The Evolution of Japan, p. 81.

10. Vide supra, chapter on the International Struggle for Concessions.

11. Count Witte, My Dealings with the Li Hung Chang, World's Work, Jan., 1921, p. 300 et seq.

12. K. Asakawa, The Russo-Japanese Conflict, p. 79-80.

13. U. S. Foreign Relations, 1899, p. 139, Viscount Aoki to Mr. Buck, Dec. 26, 1899.

14. Morse, The International Relation of the Chinese Empire, Vol. 3, Chapters 10, 11, 12.

15. Vide supra, chapter on the International Struggle for Concessions.

16. A. M. Pooley, The Secret Memoirs of Tadasu Hayashi, p. 134.

17. State Papers, Vol. 95, pp. 83-84.

18. Dr. W. É. Griffith's statement in New York Sun, May 30, 1915, quoted in Bashford, China an Interpretation, p. 387 et seq. 19. Pooley, Japan's Foreign Policy, p. 47 et seq.

20. State Papers, Vol. 98, p. 842, Protocol of Seoul, February 23, 1904.

21. State Papers, Vol. 98, p. 843, Agreement of Aug. 22, 1904. 22. State Papers, Vol. 98, pp. 1137-1139, Agreement of April 1, 1905.

23. State Papers, Vol. 98, pp. 1139-1140.

24. State Papers, Vol. 98, pp. 136-138.

25. Millard, Our Eastern Question, Appendix L, p. 452, the Marquess of Lansdowne to Sir C. Hardinge, Sept. 6, 1905. 26. State Papers, Vol. 101, p. 280, Agreement of July 24, 1907. 27. State Papers, Vol. 103, p. 992, Treaty of Annexation, Aug. 22, 1910.

28. Putnam Weale, The Fight for the Republic in China, p. 125 et seq.

29. Weale, ibid., p. 128, Memorandum of the Black Dragon Society.

30. See chapter on The Twenty-one Demands as an Illustration of Japan's Policy in China.

31. Pooley, Japan's Foreign Policy, p. 47.

32. MacMurray, 1907/11.

33. MacMurray, 1910/1.

34. MacMurray, 1916/9.

35. MacMurray, 1907/7; Millard, Our Eastern Question, App. M, pp. 457-458.

36. State Papers, Vol. 104, p. 174; Millard, Our Eastern Question, p. 456.

37. The Sino-Japanese Negotiations, Chinese Official Statement, 1915, p. 22.

38. Millard, Our Eastern Question, p. 239 et seq.

39. Ibid., p. 247 et seq.

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THE POLICY OF ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION

THE present policy of Japan toward China has five clearly defined objectives in view. They are: Economic Exploitation, Territorial Expansion, Paramount Influence, Political Control and the adoption of an Asiatic Monroe Doctrine.

Moreover, this policy turns on two fundamental problems: The first is that of Japan herself, arising out of her growing population and the limitations of territory and natural resources of the islands. This results in

the adoption of the policy of territorial expansion, and the policy of economic exploitation. The other problem is that of China arising out of the international struggle for concessions and the latter's apparent inability to resist Western aggression. This predominance of Western influence endangers the safety of Japan. The second problem leads to the adoption of a policy of paramount influence, political control and an Asiatic Monroe Doctrine.

As already stated, the policy of economic exploitation is one of two alternative ways of meeting the population problem. As population increases, territory must be expanded, and the art of living raised; otherwise the standard of living will be lowered. Excluding consideration of allowing the standard of living to deteriorate, increasing population must be met either by territorial expansion and economic exploitation abroad, or industrial development at home, or by both. Japan chooses to solve the problem by both means.

The population in Japan proper is 57,070,9361 (on December 31, 1918), and the land area of Japan proper

amounts only to 148,756 square miles.2 Dividing the land area by the population, the density of population per square mile is 384. In comparison with this density in other nations, Japan ranks next only to Belgium with 659.4 and Holland with 474.3, and rivals Great Britain with 370.8.3 Adding to this density, the annual net increase is about 700,000, or 12.75 per thousand.* At this rate, the present population will be doubled in about half a century.

Closely associated with the problem of increasing population, and in fact constituting an integral part of the same problem, is the question of food supply. It has been estimated that in Japan the per capita consumption of rice in a year is one Koku (5.11902 bushels U. S. A.). Calculating on this basis, and Japan's population numbering 57,070,936, the consumption in 1918 was therefore reckoned at approximately 57,070,936 Koku. “Against this, the total yield of rice in a normal year is 52,000,000," or 5,070,936 less than the need. Balancing yearly the export of from 600,000 to 700,000 Koku for the 400,000 Japanese residing abroad with the import of 1,500,000 Koku from Korea and Formosa and a little over 1,000,000 from Saigon, the supply is still short by about three or four million Koku, which means that three or four million mouths would be left unfed, unless the requisite supply of rice could be procured elsewhere."

Confronted with the intense pressure of population against food supply, Japan is driven to become an industrial and commercial nation. Just as Great Britain, Belgium and Holland-all with growing populations and comparatively small areas-met their population problems through the development of industry and commerce, so likewise Japan bends all her energy toward a similar course of development.

In her attempt to do so, however, she finds herself deficient in coking coal, iron and steel-the essentials of modern industry. She was able to produce in 1918, 28,

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