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THE POLICY OF PARAMOUNT INFLUENCE

GROUP I

Article I The Chinese Government engages to give full assent to all matters upon which the Japanese Government may hereafter agree with the German Government relating to the disposition of all rights, interests and concessions, which Germany, by virtue of treaty or otherwise, possesses in relation to the Province of Shantung.

Article 2: The Chinese Government engages that within the Province of Shantung and along its coast no territory or island will be ceded or leased to a third party under any pretext.

Article 3: The Chinese Government consents to Japan's building a railway from Chefoo or Lungkow to join the Kiaochow-Tsinanfu Railway.

Article 4: The Chinese Government engages in the interest of trade and for the residence of foreigners, to open by herself as soon as possible certain important cities and towns in the Province of Shantung as Commercial Ports. What places shall be opened are to be jointly decided upon in a separate agreement.

GROUP II

Article 1: The two Contracting Parties mutually agree that the term of lease of Port Arthur and Dalny and the term of lease of the South Manchuria Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway shall be extended to the period of 99 years.

Article 5: The Chinese Government agrees that in respect of the (two) cases mentioned herein below the Japanese Government's consent shall be first obtained before action is taken:

(a) Whenever permission is granted to the subject of a third Power to build a railway or to make a loan with a third Power for the purpose of building

a railway in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia.

(b) Whenever a loan is to be made with a third Power pledging the local taxes of South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia as security.

Article 6: The Chinese Government agrees that if the Chinese Government employs political, financial or military advisers or instructors in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, the Japanese Government shall first be consulted.

Article 7: The Chinese Government agrees that the control and management of the Kirin-Changchun Railway shall be handed over to the Japanese Government for a term of 99 years, dating from the signing of this agree

ment.

GROUP V

Article 5: China agrees to grant to Japan the right of constructing a railway connecting Wuchang with Kiukiang and Nanchang, another line between Nanchang and Hangchow, and another between Nanchang and Chaochow.

Article 6: If China needs foreign capital to work mines, build railways and construct harbor works (including dock-yards) in the Province of Fukien, Japan shall be first consulted.

Article 2: Japanese hospitals, churches and schools in the interior of China shall be granted the right of owning land.

Article 7: China agrees that Japanese subjects shall have the right of missionary propaganda in China.

THE POLICY OF POLITICAL CONTROL

GROUP V

Article 1: The Chinese Central Government shall employ influential Japanese as advisers in political, financial and military affairs.

Article 3: Inasmuch as the Japanese Government and the Chinese Government have had many cases of dispute between Japanese and Chinese police to settle cases which caused no little misunderstanding, it is for this reason necessary that the police departments of important places (in China) shall be jointly administered by Japanese and Chinese or that the police departments of these places shall employ numerous Japanese, so that they may at the same time help to plan for the improvement of the Chinese Police Service.

Article 4: China shall purchase from Japan a fixed amount of munitions of war (say 50 per cent or more) of what is needed by the Chinese Government or that there shall be established in China a Chino-Japanese jointly worked arsenal. Japanese technical experts are to be employed and Japanese material to be purchased.

THE POLICY OF ASIATIC MONROE DOCTRINE

GROUP IV

The Chinese Government engages not to cede or lease to a third Power any harbor or bay or island along the coast of China.

It may, therefore, be said that the original Twentyone Demands constitute to-day the best one-piece historic document that embodies all the five policies of Japan in China. Produced as they were under the favorable opportunity of the World War, supported as they were by the majority of the Japanese electorate, revealing as they did in the clearest and fullest manner the intentions and desires of the Japanese people regarding China at that time, and divided as they were into five groups in rough correspondence with the five policies of Japan, we can hence reaffirm our conclusion that they constitute to-day the best exponent of Japan's policies in China.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI

1. Putnam Weale, The Fight for the Republic in China, p. 128. 2. Hornbeck, Contemporary Politics in the Far East, p. 176. 3. Hornbeck, Contemporary Politics in the Far East, pp. 176179.

4. Ibid., p. 179.

5. Ibid., p. 179. For instance, Prof. K. Hayashi of Keio University, and a member of the Diet, tendered his resignation to his party and registered his protest: "Why were such abominable demands in the first place framed by the Cabinet? . . . It is absolutely an insult to our neghbor's sovereignty. Those desires, if accepted, were, that China would consent to be a protectorate of Japan."

6. Kawakami, Japan in World Politics, p. 168; Japan and World Peace, p. 167.

7. The Original Twenty-one Demands can be found in the Chino-Japanese Negotiations, 1915, pp. 19-22.

XVII

THE WISDOM OF JAPAN'S POLICY IN CHINA OLICY

It is but fitting and proper that we should conclude this Part with a discussion of the wisdom of Japan's policy in China. As the shortest road to convince people is to appeal to their self-interest, we propose to treat the subject from the point of view of the welfare and destiny of Japan, rather than from the point of view of China's interests, or those of the Far East, or of the world.

As we recall, Japan's policies in China turn on two fundamental problems, the population problem of Japan herself and the Chinese question. As we have also seen, the population problem of Japan results in the adoption of two policies towards China-those of economic exploitation and territorial expansion. Regarding the policy of economic exploitation, we have no quarrel with Japan. In fact, we entertain for her the highest good-will and the expectation that she may succeed in converting herself from an agricultural to an industrial and commercial nation. Particularly with reference to Japan's needs for iron, coal and steel, we sympathize with our neighbor and are quite willing to extend our coöperation. What we desire in this matter is that Japan should try to reach her ends in fair and legitimate ways. As long as she does so, we have absolutely no grievances, but on the contrary, we wish our neighbor unprecedented

success.

What we do oppose is Japan's policy of territorial expansion in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia which form integral parts of China. She claims that inasmuch as she has preserved the integrity of

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