roe Doctrine, and yet at the same time aim to seek territorial expansion and political control. She must choose the one or the other.

Should she choose the policy of territorial expansion and political control, she should then abandon the policy of commercial expansion, outright, for such a policy will inevitably kill the good-will of the Chinese and hinder commercial relations. Similarly, she should honestly disavow the "Asiatic" Monroe Doctrine, for a policy of territorial expansion and political control will so violate the principle of her "Asiatic" Monroe Doctrine that it will become like sounding brass. Besides, she must be fully prepared to fight the Chinese, as the latter are determined to preserve their homes and liberty. In that case, she will have to lay upon herself and her people the crushing burden of militarism, with the inevitable consequences of exorbitant taxation, the high cost and low standard of living, a low intellectual and moral standing, and the backwardness of industry and degeneration of race.24 She must further be prepared to meet the united opposition of the Great Powers, particularly Great Britain and the United States, who, pledged as they are to the Open Door doctrine, will not let Japan alone to extend her territorial limits in China or gain the political control there. It is practically certain that any attempt on the part of Japan to seek territorial expansion or political control will result in the ruin of Japanese trade in China, the nullification of her "Asiatic" Monroe Doctrine, the bitter opposition of the Chinese, the curse of militarism and the opposition and disapprobation of the Powers.25

On the other hand, should Japan adopt the policy of commercial expansion and an "Asiatic" Monroe Doctrine, she must first abandon the policy of territorial expansion and political control, which, as we have seen, are inconsistent and irreconcilable with the policy of commercial expansion and her "Asiatic" Monroe Doctrine. Hav

ing done so, she can then consistently seek the goodwill of the Chinese by the maintenance of a genuine Monroe Doctrine which she proposes to employ as a means to protect the territorial integrity and political independence of China. Having thus won the good-will of the Chinese, her commercial expansion and position of paramount influence will naturally and inevitably follow. In other words, she should revert to the days preceding her victories over Russia and observe strict adherence to the principles of the Open Door, with this difference, however, that the passive pledge to respect the integrity and independence of China should be changed to a positive engagement to protect the same. In this case, Japan can remain in peace with China and maintain friendship with the other Powers. Thus can she attain her destiny of becoming the leader and protector of the Far East for the next generation.

At this parting of the ways, which road will Japan take? It is fondly hoped and sincerely prayed that her sagacious statesmen will make the right choice.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII

1. Vide supra, chapter on the Policy of Territorial Expansion. 2. Statesmen's Year Book, 1920, p. 75.

3. Hornbeck, Contemporary Politics in the Far East, p. 271. 3A. Statesmen's Year Book, 1920, on Dec. 31, 1918, p. 1018. 4. F. H. King, The Farmers of Forty Centuries, pp. 424-426. 5. Bashford, China, An Interpretation, p. 396.

6. Japan Year Book, 1920-21, p. 723, on Dec. 31, 1918.

7. Korea, 16, 619, 431, Japan Year Book, 1920-21, p. 703, Dec. 31, 1917; British Isles, 45, 516, 259, Statesmen's Year Book, 1920, p. 13, census taken April 2, 1911.

8. Japan Year Book, 1920-21, p. 703, on Dec. 31, 1917.

9. Japan Year Book, 1920-21, p. 34, June, 1918, Returns by the Foreign Dept. of Japan.

10. Vide supra, chapter on the Policy of Paramount Influ

ence.

11. Millard's Review, Oct. 9, 1920, p. 309, J. O. P. Bland, on China's New Strong Man-Chang Tso-hin, quoted from North China Daily News.

12. Vide supra, chapter on the Policy of Political Control. 13. For a full account of Japan in Korea, see Mackenzie, Korea's Fight for Freedom.

14. Editorial, "The Nation," London, May 8, 1915, quoted in Millard, Our Eastern Question, pp. 239-241.

15. Vide supra, chapter on the Policy of Paramount Influence. 16. Editorial, Millard's Review, Feb. 19, 1921, p. 637 et seq.

17. The Shantung Question, Presented by China to the Paris Peace Conference, published by the Chinese Natl. Welfare Soc. of America, March, 1920, App., Note of Jan. 7, 1915, p. 61. 18. Ibid., pp. 61-62, Note of Jan. 9, 1915.

19. Bashford, China and Interpretation, p. 409.

20. Millard, Our Eastern Question, p. 168.

21. Millard, Democracy and the Eastern Question, p. 99. 22, 23. H. K. Tong, article on How Japan's Policy Is Undermining Her Position in China, Millard's Review, Aug. 9, 1919, p. 388.

24. Cf. Tokio Nichi Nichi, translated in Japan Weekly Chronicle, quoted in Millard's Review, Oct. 23, 1920, pp. 402-403, the Statement of Osaki Yukio: "The low intellectual and moral standing of this nation and the backwardness of various industries here are due to many causes. But the most important of them is the sway militarism holds over the country. Militarism has never long kept company with national prosperity, as conclusively proved by the history of the Tsing Dynasty of China, of Germany, Russia, Austria and Turkey. Militarism is a principle ruinous to the state."

25. While defense may be made that the United States, in spite of the Monroe Doctrine, extended westward in accordance with her manifest destiny and at the expense of Mexico, the vital difference must be pointed out that the United States extended in the direction of practically unoccupied or most sparsely populated__regions, and not infrequently by way of purchases, whereas Japan aims to extend over regions well occupied and populated by the Chinese and in deliberate violation of China's sovereign rights.