Twenty-one Demands of Japan, China made the declaration of non-alienation of the entire coast of China.

The leases and declarations of non-alienation having thus been obtained, the international struggle entered into a second stage, which, though not so dramatic as the first violent assaults, was nevertheless animated by the same spirit of international rivalry and resulted probably in the same derogation, though in a much milder and safer form, of Chinese sovereignty. The foreign strategic railroads in China were projected by the three powers composing the tripartite Liaotung intervention of 1895. As we have seen, by the "Cassini" Convention of 1896, Russia secured the right for the Trans-Siberian Railway to cross Northern Manchuria to Vladivostok, and later by the Convention for the lease of Port Arthur and Talienwan, the right to construct a line connecting a point in the trans-northern Manchurian line (Harbin), to a point in the Liaotung Peninsula. By the Treaty of June 20, 1895, France obtained the right to extend her Annam Railway into Chinese territory, which was later confirmed by an exchange of notes in 1898. Likewise, by the Kiaochou Convention, Germany procured the right for the construction of two railways in Shantung. All these are foreign-owned and controlled lines. As a compensation for the overturn of the balance of power, Great Britain obtained the right to connect the Burmese Railway with the Yunnan Railway.

These, however, were but the beginning of the international scramble for railway concessions in China. Following the grant of these strategic railways, the commercial powers all contested for railway concessions. The most crucial struggle was over the Peking-Hankow line, which was to be the most important trunk line, connecting the capital of China with the heart of the Yangtze Valley. Great Britain, the United States, and Belgium (supported by France and Russia) all contested

for this premier concession. Finally Belgium underbid all the others and won the concession.28 Great Britain was most chagrined over the Belgian success, especially when the latter was supported by her rivals, Russia and France, and so she demanded a series of concessions in the Yangtze Valley, partly to compensate the damage she had suffered in the overturn of the balance of power, and partly to forestall any future intrusion of railway enterprise by the other powers into the Yangtze Valley. By a vigorous demand and naval demonstration, she procured the concessions: the Peking-Newchang,29 the southern portion of Tientsin-Pukow, the Shanghai-Nanking,30 the Pukow-Hsinyang, the Soochow-HangchowNingpo, the Kowloon-Canton railways, and the right of extending the Burmese Railway as far as the Yangtze Valley, besides valuable mining rights in Shansi,81 Honan,32 Chekiang 33 and Chili. Likewise, as a compensation, the American China Development Company obtained the concession 34 of the Hankow-Canton Railway with the proviso that the rights should not be transferred to any other nationality than American. Similarly, Russia procured the concession of the Chingting-Taiyuan,35 and France, the Lungchow-Nanning and the Pakhoi-Nanning,36 and Germany, the northern section of the TientsinPukow Railway.

This international struggle for concessions and leases, as we have just seen, could not but call forth a natural reaction; for unless this process of spoliation should be stopped, the days of the independence of China would be numbered. The reaction outside of China came from the United States, which had successfully forestalled the extension of the European game of the balance of power to the Western Hemisphere by the enunciation of the Monroe Doctrine. For fear that the operation of the European balance of power would obliterate China from the map, and to prevent any further aggravation of the various spheres of influence, John Hay announced the

Open Door doctrine in 1899 by a circular to the Powers,37 first to England, Germany and Russia on September 6, 1899, and then later to France, Italy and Japan. In this circular note, John Hay set forth the doctrine of equal opportunity of trade in China. To this all the Powers addressed, except Russia, who made a more or less indefinite reply,38 gave their assent. Later, in 1900, when the Boxer Uprising imperiled the integrity of China, John Hay again, on July 3, 1900, reaffirmed the principles of the Open Door policy, but this time he openly proclaimed that the United States policy in China was, not only to maintain the equal opportunity of trade, but also to preserve the integrity of China.39

The reaction within China first took the form of the reform in 1898. Under the guidance of Kang Yii-wei, Emperor Kwang-Hsu attempted to reform China by paper edicts. But in his zeal for reform, he injured the vested interests of the conservative officials, and thus the coup de'etat occurred in 1898, bringing into power Empress Dowager Tse Hsi. With the reappearance of the latter the reaction took a wrong direction. Bigoted and anti-foreign, she turned her efforts against the invasions of the Western states, and, availing herself of the Boxer movement then on foot with the object of driving out all "foreign devils," she secretly encouraged the Boxers and thus brought to pass the Uprising of 1900.

The effects of this Uprising are known to all the world. Having violated the law of nations in an attack on the foreign legations, China stood a "criminal" before the bar of civilization. Resumption of friendly relations, however, was finally established by the Protocol of September 7, 1901.40 Therein were provided reparations for the assassination of Baron von Kettler, German Minister at Peking (Art. 1), and of M. Suyiyama, Chancellor of the Japanese Legation (Art. 3), and indemnity of 450,000,000 Haikuan taels to be repaid in thirty-nine years at four per cent interest and secured on the Chinese Mari

time Customs, Chinese native customs in the open ports, and the salt Gabelle (Art. 6), the improvement of Peiho and Whangpoo rivers (Arts. 6 and 11), the rights of an exclusive legation quarter and of the stationing of legation guards (Art. 7), the razing of the Taku forts (Art. 8), the abolition of the Tsungli Yamen, and the institution of a regular Foreign Office (Art. 12).

In pursuance of Article 6 of the Protocol of September 7, 1901, providing for the raising of tariff duties to an effective five percent and the conversion of ad valorem duties to specific duties, a subsequent agreement was signed on August 29, 1902, stipulating new rates of tariff in accordance with the average prices of 1897, 1898 and 1899. Likewise, in pursuance of Art. 11 of the Protocol of 1901 providing for amendment and revision of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, 42 Great Britain and China entered into the treaty of September 5, 1902, respecting commercial relations. The Likin was to be abolished, and the Chinese tariff to be raised to not more than twelve and one-half per cent on imports and seven and one-half per cent on exports (Art. 8, Preamble), provided, however, China should secure the consent of the other states enjoying, or who may enjoy, the most favored nation treatment before January 1, 1904, without conceding any political concession or any exclusive commercial concession.43A Changsha, Wanhsien, Nganking, Waichow, and Hongmoon were to be opened to trade (Art. 8, Sec. 12). The extraterritorial rights were to be surrendered upon the satisfactory reform of China's judicial system (Art. 12). Similarly, Japan entered into the supplementary treaty of commerce and navigation on October 8, 1903,43B opening Mukden and Tatungkou to trade (Art. 10), and providing almost similar stipulations regarding the abolition of Likin (Art. 1) and extra-territorial rights (Art. 11) as found in the British commercial treaty of 1902. Likewise, the United States entered into the treaty of October 8,

1903, opening Mukden and Antung to trade (Art. 12) and stipulating similar provisions concerning the substitution of tariff surtax for the abolition of Likin (Art. 4) and the surrender of extraterritorial rights on condition. of satisfactory judicial reform (Art. 15).

After the final settlement of 1901, the focus of attention of the world was shifted from China to the impending conflict between Russia and Japan. From the Boxer Uprising to the Russo-Japanese War, the diplomatic history of China was rather quiet, and the international struggle for concessions seemed to have come to an end. Although there were a few minor railway concessions granted, such as the Cheng-Tai Railway to France in 1902, the Kaifeng-Honan Railroad to Belgium in 1903, the Taokow-Chinghua Railroad to Great Britain in 1905,45 and the Changchun-Kirin Railway to Russia in 1902,46 the center of interest was shifted to the coming grapple between Russia and Japan. Although the contest was between two foreign powers, yet the subject of the struggle was the integrity of China in Manchuria and the definition of the spheres of influence in China, and for this reason this conflict can be well regarded as a vital part of the diplomatic history of China.

Taking advantage of the Boxer Uprising, Russia occupied Manchuria. Her troops occupied the various strategic points in Manchuria. She entered Mukden on October 2, 1900. She hoisted her flags over the Newchang Customs House on August 4, 1900. On August 25 she declared that her occupation of Manchuria was a mere temporary measure of military necessity, and that as soon as peace and order should be restored she would withdraw her troops, "provided such action did not meet with obstacles caused by the proceedings of other Powers."

"48

When the Allied forces had arrived at Peking and relieved the beleaguered legations, Russia pretended to be