the progress, comfort and happiness of mankind. As she has developed and trained the intellect of her people through competitive examinations for civil service, so should she apply Chinese scholarship to the study of modern sciences and arts, to the end that she may not be merely a nation receiving learning from others, but also one radiating light and truth. Inasmuch as her people, as a race, are noted for the excellence of their domestic virtues, such as filial piety, respect for age, courtesy, moral earnestness, etc., she should spread the influence of these virtues as far as they are needed.

Finally, in pursuing this policy of world welfare China should not entertain a spirit of world domination, but should humble herself and take the lowly path of service. She should not commit the same error that Germany did in attempting to seek world domination, which only plunged Germany into the depths of humiliation. She should rather aim to impart as much benefit to the world as possible in the way of service. For the day will come when it is not the nation that dominates others that shall be great, but the nation that can render to mankind the greatest service.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXXI

1. The Shantung Question, submitted by China to the Paris Peace Conference, 1919, published by the Chinese National Welfare Society in America, March, 1920, China's Declaration of War against the Central Powers, pp. 64-65.

2. Having now been honored with a seat at the Supreme Council, China should demonstrate her spirit of conciliation and exercise her talent of peace-making.-Regarding China's election to the Supreme Council of the League, see New York Times, Dec. 16, 1920, I: 2.

XXXII

A POLICY TOWARD JAPAN IN PARTICULAR

We have so far outlined the principles of China's foreign policy toward the Powers in general,-preservation, recovery, the Golden Rule, and world welfare. As Japan occupies a special position in the foreign relations of China, we shall now endeavor to formulate a policy applicable to Japan.

To begin with, all of the foregoing principles are applicable to Japan. With respect to preservation, China should resist any territorial aggression or political designs of Japan. With reference to recovery, China should regain all the rights of sovereignty now being held by Japan. As regards the Golden Rule, China should treat Japan as herself, or do unto her neighbor as she would have Japan do to her. Relating to world welfare, China should maintain a strong and stable government so that Japan may find collateral protection therefrom, and should cooperate with Japan in maintaining an Asiatic Monroe Doctrine, or the Doctrine of the Middle Kingdom. But the application of these four principles is not sufficient. Inasmuch as Japan maintains five policies, China should be prepared to meet them one by one. With respect to Japan's policy of economic exploitation, China should coöperate with her in so far as her needs are real. The solution of Japan's problem of population lying in industrialization and commercial expansion, China should attempt to facilitate this transformation of Japan as far as possible. As Japan's need of raw materials, coking coal, iron and steel, is genuine, and especially as China herself is bountifully endowed therewith, she should be generous and sympathetic and supply Japan with what

she truly needs. At the same time, however, China should not permit Japan to monopolize her iron mines or any important industry. She should not permit Japan to carry on economic exploitation in China for the sole benefit of herself and to the exclusion or injury of China and other Powers.

With regard to Japan's policy of territorial extension in the direction of Manchuria and Mongolia, China can--not but resist it. For the conquest and annexation of Manchuria and Mongolia will inevitably lead Japan to attempt China's subjugation. Manchuria and Mongolia are the historic roads of invasion into China. Any nation controlling or possessing these two regions has in her hand the key to the conquest of China. Hence the preservation of Manchuria and Mongolia must be secured at any cost. Yet, inasmuch as Japan has rendered a service, as a by-product of the Russo-Japanese War, in preserving Manchuria from the grasp of Russia, she should be permitted to retain whatever economic privileges she now holds in Manchuria and to carry on any economic activities therein that are not inconsistent with the sovereignty of China and welfare of the Chinese. Further, her people should be permitted to settle in Manchuria, provided they do so under Chinese jurisdiction, which, of course, means that China should not close the door of Manchuria to Japanese immigration.

With reference to Japan's policy of paramount influence, it is not necessary for China to resist it. Still, it is essential that China should hold Japan to the rules of fair play. She should require Japan to observe the principle of equal opportunity of trade, to respect China's sovereignty, and to fulfill the special duties inherent in the special rights, if any, as claimed by Japan. The observance by Japan of these principles of fair-play will obviate any danger arising from this policy. Incidentally, as a matter of reciprocity, China can claim similar special interests or rights in Japan, and establish corresponding

positions of paramount influence, provided she observes the same rules.

As regards Japan's policy of political control, there is no alternative, consistent with horor, open to China than to resist such a policy. Not only has Japan's record in Korea been such as to send terror and warning into the heart of every Chinese, but the success of Japan in carrying out this policy will mean the passing of Chinese independence, which ought never to be tolerated. On the other hand, however, it is essential that China should remove the primary cause of this policy of Japan, that is, the inefficiency and, to some extent, the corruption of the Chinese Government and the seemingly impending peril of the international control of China's finance, by the inauguration of a strong and efficient government, free and immune from any foreign control.

As to Japan's policy of an Asiatic Monroe Doctrine, it is essential for China to maintain an attitude of judicious discernment. As it stands, the doctrine may be regarded as hollow and ineffective. It is, therefore, unnecessary for China to be concerned about it. If, however, Japan means to establish a genuine Asiatic Monroe Doctrine, the same as that maintained by the United States for the Western Hemisphere, it is but fitting and proper that China should extend her coöperation and jointly institute the doctrine of Pan-Asiaism in the Orient -especially in view of the fact that China herself should maintain such a doctrine in the Far East.

Besides meeting these five policies of Japan, China should adopt a fundamental attitude of reconciliation and friendliness. China and Japan are so closely interwoven in interest and destiny that China cannot injure Japan without injuring herself, and vice versa, and that China cannot have an unfriendly and antagonistic Japan at her side without weakening her own position in the world, and vice versa. Further, in her attempt to solve her own population problem and the Chinese Question, Japan was

wrong in ways, but not necessarily wrong in ends or motives. She desires to preserve, and not to destroy, China. Moreover, should she change her policy, she would possess the possibility of becoming a potential friend, if not the best friend, of China. With the abandonment of the policy of territorial expansion and political control, and with a firm determination to bend her efforts toward commercial expansion and the maintenance of a true Asiatic Monroe Doctrine, she would be a most valuable friend of China. For while no other nation would fight merely for the welfare and existence of China, Japan's safety and destiny being so inseparably related to China's, she is ready to make common cause with China in any struggle for the preservation of race and for the maintenance of justice and righteousness, Hence it is but a part of statesmanship, as well as of right and justice, that China should entertain a conciliatory and friendly attitude toward Japan, and that, as soon as the present differences should have been amicably settled, China should enter into a genuine relation of cordial friendship with Japan.

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