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The purpose of this work is to study the foreign relations of China, and to work out for her a foreign policy. To achieve this object, the author was pelled to study the foreign relations of China as a whole, rather than to confine himself to any particular phase of the subject. Conscious of the danger of its extending over too wide a field, he has limited the scope of his work to the salient features only, omitting the minor and unimportant ones. Aware also of the possible risk of sacrificing quality to quantity in undertaking a task of these dimensions, he has, so far as time and sources of information permitted, brought each chapter to the requisite standard.
In undertaking this work the author was confronted at every turn by the difficulty due to the absence of any regular official publication of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. While there are a few separate pamphlets that have been issued, there is no series of publications comparable with the Foreign Relations of the United States or the State Papers of Great Britain. Hence the author was obliged to resort to the archives of the Foreign Offices of other nations to find the necessary material. As far as feasible, he has endeavored to use first-hand sources, such as treaties, diplomatic documents, substantiated facts of history, etc., and has used
secondary sources, only in so far as they helped him reach the originals and understand the same.
Conscious of the danger of expressing ill-considered opinions or of reaching injudicious conclusions relating to so grave a subject as the foreign relations of China, the author has entered into the work with an open mind, and has aimed only to reach the truth. Particularly with respect to Japan, with which country China has lately had such serious differences, he has attempted to study its policy and problems from the point of view of Japan, striving to arrive at the real difficulties and causes behind the actions of that Empire. It is his conviction that, as the interests and destinies of the two countries are so interwoven, China cannot solve her own problems without at the same time solving those of Japan; nor can Japan solve hers without at the same time solving those of China. To this end, he has striven to obtain a solution for both countries at the same time.
The author has undertaken his work with a sense of duty to his country and to humanity. Probably there is no question in the history of China which deserves the attention of her citizens more than her foreign relations and the formulation of a proper and fitting foreign policy to meet the situation. Ever since the opening of the country, the history of China has been dominated by foreign contacts. Hence a proper understanding of the foreign relations of China and a formulation of an appropriate foreign policy are indispensable to her preservation and well-being. Going a step further, China's destiny and welfare are intimately associated with the destiny and welfare, not only of the neighboring states of the Far East, but also of the entire world. Carrying, as her citizens feel, the mission of promoting world peace, China's foreign relations and policy will probably be the keynote, or at least an essential factor, in world peace. In doing this work, therefore, the author feels that he is discharging a duty to his nation, and an obligation to mankind.
The book is divided into six parts, and thirty-two chapters. As an understanding of the diplomatic history of China is necessary to the study of the whole subject, Part I covers the diplomatic history of China, divided into four periods, the opening of China (1689-1860), the loss of dependencies (1860-1895), the international struggle for concessions (1895-1911), and international coöperation and control (1911- -), each constituting
- a chapter. Part II treats of the policies of the Great Powers in China,-Russia, France, Germany, Great Britain and the United States. As Japan occupies such an important and dominant position in the foreign relations of China, Part III is devoted exclusively to the policy of Japan in China. It being necessary to observe the impairments of China's sovereignty, so as to lead to suggestions as to the policy of recovery, Part IV relates to the various forms of impairment, such as extraterritoriality and consular jurisdiction, concessions and settlements, leased territories, spheres of influence or interest, the most favored nation clause as applied in China, and tariff autonomy. Part V deals with questions arising since the war,-the New International Banking Consortium, the League of Nations and China, and the Shantung Question,-pointing out the significance in, and the effect upon, the international relations of China, and, in the case of the Shantung Question, offering a solution for the problem. Part VI formulates a foreign policy for China, including the policy of preservation, the policy of recovery, the policy of the Golden Rule and the policy of world welfare, ending with a special policy toward Japan.
The author wishes to acknowledge his deep indebtedness to all the authors whose works he has consulted, many of which appear in the references or footnotęs, to the Department of State for valuable assistance in obtaining some necessary documents, to J. P. Morgan & Company, New York, for the information regarding the New International Banking Consortium, to his revered teacher, Professor W. W. Willoughby, Johns Hopkins University, under whose supervision and guidance this work was done, and to Professor Harlan P. Beach, Yale University, for kindly criticisms and suggestions.
MINGCHIEN JOSHUA BAU.
Johns Hopkins University,