Will.III. 1700. The earl of Manchester to Paris, Jan. 12, 1701. I cannot but think, by the proceedings of the regents of Spain, that they are refolved to have the French king for their king; and that the duke of Anjou is to have only the name. There is another exprefs come from them; by which they acquaint this king, That they have fent orders to their minifters in all courts, to act in concert with the French, and to obey the orders which the French king fhall fend them; and to let them know, that Spain fhall be in cluded in whatever treaty France fhall think fit to make; and that they may fign it, without ftaying for further orders from them. It is certain, that the king faid, on this occafion, that he was Le premier miniftre du roy d'Efpagne: I am of opinion, that the use he will make of this power, is, that he will fhew all Europe, that, whoever intends to keep any measures with Spain, it must be by the means of France, or, at leaft, with their approbation. Befides, having fuch a power, the French troops may poffefs themfelves of what places they pleafe. So that there is some reason to fear, that, in cafe things fhould begin to look like a war, the Dutch troops in Flanders may pafs their time ill. I am fatisfied, that the French will avoid doing any thing of this nature, as long as they can, in hopes of preventing a war; and the meafures they now feem to take are fuch, that they may not be efteemed the aggreffors, but ra ther on the defenfive. They are too fenfible of the condition of France, where there are no means left to raise any confiderable fum, but by a capitation, which is already figned; but, unless there be occafion, it will not be levied. It is a very hard tax on the people, especially when all other impofitions remain as they were during the late war, with an augmentation of five millions of livres for this year. The lottery, which it was thought, would have fucceeded, comes to nothing. It is now thought, here, that the war in Italy is certain; and this court endeavours to perfuade the pope, and the rest of the princes of Italy, to form a league againft the emperor; for, fay they, without fomething of that nature is done, that country will, in all likelihood, be the feat of war. The earl of Manchester to Paris, Jan. 15, 1701. There is nothing now left to make the great union betwixt France and Spain compleat, but the fettling their trade; and it is faid, that all the impofitions on the produce of Spain will be taken off here, as the like will be done there, in relation to the produce of France. Several other regulations are confidering of, and there is no doubt but France will find their account. The great point will be, whether France can furnish them with commodities proper for the Indies; if fo, we may greatly fuffer. The himself declared lord-lieutenant of Ireland (a); and, that the Will. III. moft eminent man of the Whigs might not oppofe them in the new parliament, they got Mr. Montague, now auditor The earl of Manchester to Paris, Jan. 19, 1701. I often meet the Spanish ambassador, and I obferve your directions. I do not in the leaft take notice to him of what his majefty's intentions are. He began to talk with me yesterday at Verfailles, and asked me, whether we would break with them; making many profeffions, that whatever had paffed, yet in Spain they had the fame defire to cultivate and increafe, if poffible, the friendship with his majefty. I told him, that I did not know, but that there might be the fame defire on the king my mafter's part; but that he muft allow, that the late proceedings of the regents cannot but have given great jealoufies to Europe, and the regents had acted as if they were defirous of being in a manner tributary to France, which would be alfo of fatal confequence to themfelves at laft. His answer was natural enough: he faid, What would you have them do, whilst they are threatened with war from all parts, and are not in a condition to help themselves? But, if there was any difpofition on our fide to continue the ancient good understanding, we fhould foon fee another effect. This he fpake in a manner as if he had orders for what he faid; and, that, if I doubted, he might venture to give it under his hand, that they would renew all treaties, &c. I find, that even here they are fo apprehensive of a general war, if England should engage itself, that they will, I am fatisfied, confent to almost any thing to prevent it, even to leave the Dutch troops in Flanders, rather than fail. Thefe matters are proper to be tranfacted in Spain, where there may be fome faith ftill left. I am of opinion, that I partly know the propofals monfieur Wratiflaw will make; but I cannot fee the emperor is able to perform his part; and it is faid, that prince Lewis of Baden is not for having the emperor engage in a war. (a) The king writ the following fhort letter, to the earl of Galway, a little before the earl of Rochefter's promotion. Loo, Aug. 15, 1700. It is fome time fince I received your letter of the 13th of July, in which you defire to know on whom I have caft my eyes for the government of Ireland; and, as I am fure, that what I write you will be fecret, I fcruple not to tell you, that I intend to give it to lord Rochester, and to declare it at my return to England; but he will not go to Ireland till the next fpring. You will eafily conceive the reafons of it. I shall expect your thoughts of a matter that concerns you, and you may always rely on my friendship. William R. of 1700. Will.III. of the Exchequer, to be made a baron. He took the title of 1700. Hallifax, which was funk by the death of that marquis without iffue-male. The lord Godolphin was made firft commiffioner of the treafury; the lord Tankerville lord privyfeal, in the room of the lord Lonfdale, deceased; and Sir Charles Hedges, one of the judges of the admiralty, was appointed one of the principal fecretaries of ftate, in the room of the earl of Jersey. The Tories had continued, from the king's firft acceffion to the throne, in a conftant oppofition to his interefts. Many of them were believed to be Jacobites in their hearts, and they were generally much against the toleration, and violent enemies to the Diffenters. They had been backward in every thing, that was neceffary for carrying on the former war; they had opposed taxes as much as they could, and were againft all fuch as were eafily levied, and lefs fenfibly felt by the people; and were always for those that were moft grievous to the nation, hoping, that by these heavy burdens, the people would grow weary of the war and of the government. On the contrary, the Whigs by fupporting both, were become less acceptable to the nation. In elections their interefts was much funk; every new parliament was a new difcovery, that they were become less popular; and the others, who were always oppofing and complaining, were now cried up as patriots. In the three laft feffions, the Whigs had fhewn fuch a readiness to give the king more force, together with a management to preserve the grants in Ireland, that they were publickly charged as betrayers of their country, and as men, who were for trufting the king with an army. In fhort, they were accufed of too ready a compliance with the humours and interefts of courts and favourites, and were therefore generally cenfured and decried. And now, fince they had not fucceeded to the king's mind, fome about him poffeffed him with this, that either they would not, or could not ferve him. In fome of them indeed, their principles lay against those things, whereas the Tories principles naturally led them to make the crown. great and powerful. It was alfo faid, that the great oppofition made to every thing which the king defired, and the difficulties that had been of late put upon him, flowed chiefly from the hatred borne to those who were employed by him, and who had brought in their friends and creatures into the beft pofts. And they were now ftudying to recover their loft popularity, which would make them cold, if not backward, in complying with what the king might defire for the future. The Whigs alfo began to complain of the king's con conduct, of his minding affairs fo little, of his being fo much Will. III. out of the kingdom, and of his ill choice of favourites; and 1700. they imputed the late mifcarriages to errors in conduct, which they could neither prevent nor redrefs. The favourites, who thought of nothing but to continue in favour, and to be ftill fafe and fecure in their credit, concurred to prefs the king to take other measures, and to turn to another fet of men, who would be no longer his enemies, if they had fome of the best places fhared among them. And, though this method had been almost fatal, when the king had followed it foon after his acceffion to the crown, yet there feemed to be lefs danger in trying it now, than was formerly. The nation was in full peace; and it was commonly faid, that nobody thought any more of king James, and therefore it was fit, for the king's fervice, to encourage all his people to come into his interests, by letting them fee how foon he could forget all that was paft. Thefe confiderations had fo far prevailed with him, that, before he went out of England, he had engaged himself fecretly to them. It is true, the death, firft of the Duke of Gloucefter, and now of the king of Spain, had very much changed the face of affairs, both at home and abroad; yet the king would not break off from his engage ments. liament It might have been expected, that, when fuch an unlooked- A new parfor scene was opened, the king should have loft no time in fummoned bringing his parliament together as foon as poffible. It was Feb. 6. prorogued to the 20th of November; and the king had fent Burnet. orders from Holland to fignify his refolution for their meeting on that day. But the minifters, whom he was then bringing into his bufinefs, had other views. They thought they were not fure of a majority in parliament for their purposes, and therefore prevailed with the king to diffolve the parliament; and, after a fet of fheriffs were appointed, fit for the turn, a new parliament was fummoned to meet on the 6th of February. The man, on whofe management of the houfe of commons the new miniftry depended, was Mr. Robert Harley, the heir of a family, which had been hitherto the most eminent of the Prefbyterian party. His education was in that way; but he, not being confidered at the revolution, as he thought he deferved, had fet himself to oppofe the court in every thing, and to find fault with the whole adminiftration. He had the chief hand both in the reduction of the army, and in the matter of the Irish grants. The high party trufted him, though he still kept up an intereft among the Presby. terians; Will.III. terians; and he had fo particular a dexterity, that he made both the High-Church party and the Diffenters depend upon him; fo it was agreed, that he fhould be speaker. $700. The king of feats the czar at Narva. Burnet. All this while the new minifters talked of nothing but negotiations, and gave it out, that the French king was ready to give all the fecurity that could be defired, for maintaining the peace of Europe. At this time the emperor fent over to England count Wratiflaw, to fet forth his title to the Spanish monarchy, fettled on his houfe by ancient entails, often repeated, and now devolving on him by an undoubted right, fince by the renunciation made by the late queen of Spain (as was ftipulated by the treaty of the Pyrenees, and then made by her in due form) this could not be called in question. But the new minifters were fcarce civil to the count, and would not enter into any confultations with him. But the Dutch, who were about the king, and all the foreign minifters, spoke in another ftile. They faid, that nothing but a general union of all the powers in Europe could hinder the conjunction of the two monarchies. So, by what those who talked often with the king gave out, it came to be soon known, that the king faw the neceffity of a new war, but that he kept himfelf in a great referve, that he might manage his new minifters and their party, and fee if he could engage them to concur with him. It will not be improper to close the relation of this year, Sweden de with which the century ends, with an account of the king of Sweden's glorious campaign. He made all the hafte he could to relieve Livonia, where not only Riga was for fome months befieged by the king of Poland, but Narva was also attacked by the czar, who hoped, by taking it, to get an entrance into the Baltic the czar came in perfon against it, with an army of one hundred thoufand men: Narva was not provided for a fiege; it had a fmall garrifon, and had very poor magazines; yet the Mufcovites attacked it fo feebly, that it held out beyond expectation, till the end of the year. Upon the king of Sweden's landing at Revel, the Saxons drew off from Riga, after a long fiege at a vaft charge: this being done, and Riga both opened and fupplied, that king marched next to Narva; the czar, upon his march towards him, left his army in fuch a manner, as made all people conclude, he had no mind to hazard his perfon; the king marched through ways that were thought fo impracticable, that little care had been taken to fecure them; fo he furprized the Mufcovites, and broke into their camp, before they apprehended he was near them; he totally routed their army, took many |