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Will. III. came to London not designedly, as is fuppofed, in the French 1700-1. nail. This letter was dated the 18th of February, N. S.

Cole,
P. 319.

and was written by the earl of Melfort to his brother the earl of Perth, then governor to the pretended prince of Wales. It contained his schemes to fet on foot another invasion, and difcovered that he held a clofe correfpondence with the earl of Arran, now duke of Hamilton. Melfort urged it in many arguments, to get the earl of Middleton difcarded, and recommended himself, as much fitter to be trufted.

This letter was alfo communicated to the house of lords, who ordered it to be printed (a), and the next day presented

an

(a) This letter was as fol- will; and it is a question, if lows:

My dearest Brother, Since I promifed to put in writing what we had not time to talk fully of, I am fet down to it in the morning, that my letter may be ready for the meffenger, if any call. I told all that I had heard at Verfailles, and the favourable audience I had of madam Maintenon; for which I beg it of you to return my most humble thanks to the queen, and beg her to be fo good, as to thank madam Maintenon, and know of her, what can be done in that matter: It will be a great charity in the queen. I told you, among other things, the great fleet the king intends to put out, this fummer; the orders being given, and the money ready, the ftores full, and every one concerned active in their ftation. There is no doubt, but this fleet will be mafter of the fea, for fome time, if not for all the fummer; because the Dutch dare not stir, till the English be ready; and they have long debates, yet, before they can be in a condition to act, if they have the

they will have it at all. The king never had fo favourable a conjuncture, if he can perfuade this king, that his affairs are really in the circumstances they are in; but there is the difficulty. The king and queen have more authority with the king, and with madam de Maintenon, than any other in the world can have; but that is not all. There fhould be fome one, acceptable to the minifters, who should lay before them thofe proofs their majesties cannot enter into the detail of, and explain the reafons, make plans and memoirs, by their majefties approbation, to convince them of the neceffity, and fhew the eafinefs of reftoring the king, the glory it brings their kingdom, and the advantage to religion. How this will be done, their majefties are wife enough to confider; and, I think, it is not a fubject fit for me to enter upon; but their friendships, in general, who know not the half of what I know, in this matter, think, that it will not be well done by a Proteftant minifter, lazy in his temper, an enemy to France by his inclination, tainted with com

mon

an address to the king, "Humbly returning their thanks Will. III. "and acknowledgments to his majefty for his concern ex- 1700-1.

monwealth principles, and against the king's returning, by any other power, than that of the people of England, and upon capitulation and terms; who is fufpected of giving aid to the compounders, if not worse. That Mr. Carril is qualified, no body doubts, but in fociety with the other. Thofe, who must be inftrumental, will not truft him as they ought; fo that, fo long as the other is within diftance of penetrating the affairs, they will never be fecure. And yet the king has no fuch game to play, as by these very perfons, who are thus diffident; namely, the true Church of England party, the Catholics, and the earl of Arran; and I fhall fay fomething of every one of them.

"preffed

Addrefs of the lords on

affairs, do what they would, to the king's do what they can; and remem- fpeech. ber the fable of the dog, who Pr. H. L loft the fubftance, by catching II. 20, at the fhadow. Affurances from the non-jurors, the foundest and moft venerable part of the Englifh church, would be of great ufe, at this time, to perfuade to undertake this great affair; for, befides their own example, at a landing, and their preaching and writing to the people, that their religion was in no danger, it is most certain, they know better than any other can do, what the Church of England, in general, would do for the king's fervice; and they, being to run all the hazard, would be better believed at the French court, than any other, as I found by experience.

The king cannot but be fenfible, that the true Church of England party, and their principal head, now the bishop of Norwich, has been filent for a long time; and their majefties may remember, what weight the court of France laid upon their joining the king (I mean the non-fwearing clergy) in cafe of a landing. Therefore all arts fhould be ufed, without delay, to get them to enter into a correfpondence again; and every impediment ought to be removed, I fay, without exception. And though, fometimes, it is of hard digeftion for fovereigns, who ought to be obeyed, with out referve, to yield to the humours of fubjects, yet prudence fhould teach them, when they cannot, without injuring their

As to the Catholics, and other affociates with them, unfortunately for the king, they were thought to have too much inclination for me, and fo have been reckoned as ufelefs to the king. And I muft beg leave to fay, that undertaking was the beft feather in his wing; and was most justly thought fo by him, and the court of France, even to that degree, that they pretended, if this, and the other article, concerning the clergy, could be made appear, they would concur with the king to invade England. They confifted of feven regiments of horse and dragoons; their arms, trumpets, kettle-drums, ftandards, &c. were all ready, and are yet in furety. Their men were all

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lifted,

Will. III."preffed in his fpeech for the Proteftant religion, and his "care for its preservation, by recommending to their confi❝deration

1700-1.

Middle

ton.

lifted, and their officers chofen, and they had twenty horfes to a troop; which troops lying at a distance, in a horfe-country, twenty horses would foon have mounted the rest. Thofe, who could not divine the greatness and use of the undertaking, blamed the rashness of it; and even some churchmen have not been disapproved, for endeavouring undutifully (because contrary to the king's written orders) to break the defign. But I defire you, now, for all this, to believe, that you have not fuch an argument to use to the court of France, as this. And, if you can make it appear, as it might have been, fome years ago, I fhould have very good hopes of this fummer's work; nay, let the king have what other hopes, even promifes, you please, from the court of France, this is to be put into the circumstances it was in. For, if there will ever be a landing in England, to purpofe, it must be before they can be armed; and they cannot be armed, before the parliament come to a refolution concerning the war; and, confidering the few troops in England, fuppofe thefe men to be no better than militia, what a diverfion would it be? It is not neceffary for me to fay any more of this article, till I know whether their majefties have as good an opinion of this undertaking, as I have. If so, I fhall fhew what I think is to be done in it; if otherwife, I fave the pains. As to the earl

of Arran, it would be of great use to have an understanding with him. He will have none, where

-can pry. His all is at ftake, and he ought to be wary with whom he ventures to deal. I think it better for the king's fervice, that the court-party prevailed, in the manner they have done in the parliament of Scotland, than that the country-party should have got their will. Oppofition fwells the water to a flood; and, fo long as the country-party is not difcouraged, they gain more ground in the kingdom, than they lofe in the government; fo that the difaffection to the government will increase; and one may judge of the nation, in general, which is of another temper, than this pretended parliament, or rather Presbyterian rabble, in reprefenting the nation. For, fince even in it there is such a struggle against the government, what would there be in a free parliament, which the prince of Orange durft never hazard to call? The nation, then, at least a great part of it, being difaffected to this government, it is of great confequence, that the earl of Arran may know what to do, in case of an invafion of England; or, in cafe he and his friends be obliged, for felf-preservation, to rife in their own defence. The army, who are, and ever were, well affected, are to be gained by money; and a little goes a great way with them. The difbanded troops would be

engaged,

"<deration a further provision for the fucceffion to the crown Will. III. << in the Proteftant line. They added, that, being deeply 1700-1. "fenfible

engaged, and the officers are
well inclined. The places of
ftrength would be fecured, and
fuch as can be put in defence,
without expences, fortified. To"
do all this, at least, fuch a part
of them, as can be begun with,
a fmall fum will ferve; and he
ought to have hopes of it, and
of the command.

Thefe being only heads to be difcourfed of, and much to be faid of every part, it is not to be thought, that this letter can carry a final conclufion; for, it may be, upon difcourfe, I might change my mind, or be more confirmed in it, and fee further. This makes me infift, again, to you, upon two things, as appearing to me, abfolutely neceffary to put things upon a right foot. The firft is, the removing of all impediments out of the way, and fending all fufpected perfons to Champagne or Burgundy, according to their guilt. And the fecond is of the faft ufe, both to their majefties and the prince; which is, the eftablishing of such a number, under no qualifications, to talk of their affairs, in their majefties prefence; with whom we can freely converfe, and propofe what may be for their majefties fervice.

Nothing is fo dangerous, as to determine what one will do, and then hear reasons against it, and imitate the deaf adder, who hearkens not to the voice of the charmer, let him charm "never fo fweetly." Reasons against a refolution taken, offend; and, the more force they have, they offend the more; whilft, before the resolution be taken, reafon has its effect, and the determinations are not the effect of humour and faction, but of prudence and justice. If in any thing I fail, I'll fwear it is want of understanding, and not of will. And I beg, that their majefties may be perfuaded, that it is no humour nor vanity, but their service, I have in my view; who am,

My dearest Brother,

Moft humbly yours.

There are some remarkable
circumftances relating to this
letter, in Mr. Cole's Memoirs ;
as will appear from the follow-
ing extracts.

Mr. fecretary Vernon to the
earl of Manchester.

Whitehall, Feb. 17, 1700,
O. S.

I cannot but mention one expreffion in the letter, viz. "That

As for the first it will be for the king's reputation, both at the courts of Rome, France, this opportunity must be imand with all his true friends in "proved, now the court of England, for many reafons. As "France is diffatisfied with the for the fecond, it is according "prince of Orange, for his to fcripture, "In the multitude "treacheries difcovered in their "of counsellors there is fafety."" hands." His majesty does

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not

Will. III.

fenfible of the weight of what his majesty had further re1700-1.commended to them, they could not but defire he would

not know what they should mean by it, unless it arifes from the letters Jolly brought, which his majefty knows nothing of. You know all that we have fent to Spain; which is affurances of friendship, if they have the fame difpofition on their fide, and to exhort them to preferve their liberty. If this be an offence, it is impoffible to avoid it, with France. I fuppofe, you will hear a good deal of this letter, and that the parties concerned will not well like, that it is come hither, and made thus public,

Mr. fecretary Vernon to the earl

of Manchester.

Whitehall, Feb. 20, 1700,

O. S.

I fend you, inclosed, the earl of Melfort's letter, printed by order of the houfe of lords. I fuppofe there will be no queftion made at St. Germain's whether the letter be genuine, or not; at least, monfieur de Tallard does not call that in doubt, though he feems much offended at the letter's being communicated to the lords and commons. He endeavoured to fpeak with me on Monday night, but I was gone to Kenfington; and, upon his writing to me, next morning, that I would appoint him a time, when he might speak to me, I went to him. He was full of expoftulation, of the letter's being carried to the two houses, by my lord chamberlain and myfelf, as if it were done to create an animo

"be

fity between the two nations, and to give the alarm, That the French had formed a defign to invade England: whereas this appeared to be only a chimerical notion of Melfort, who (as he often repeated) was 'un fou

& un extravagant;' that he was banished from the court of king James, and had nothing to do in the court of France; that his waiting upon madam de Maintenon was only to get two of his daughters put into the nunnery of St. Cyr; that he had no access to the French minifters, but was fpinning cobwebs of his own; and there ought to have been no occafion taken, from thence, to create jealoufies and mifunderftandings. That the French had fhewn their difpofition to live in friendship with England; and he thought care ought to be taken, on our fide, not to give any grounds to believe, that we were picking a quarrel with them; and this he thought neceffary to tell one, as a matter that deferved attention.

I told him, The letter contained fomething that might appear notional, and like a project of his own; but other parts of it laid down facts, that it extremely concerned us to provide against; fuch as the fitting out a fleet in France, that was like to be master of the sea, this fummer; that we could make no provifion for our fafety, but in parliament; and therefore it was fit they fhould be acquainted with our danger, and that the

proofs

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