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Geo. I. Upon the whole matter, the queftion being put, Whether 1716. this bill fhould pafs?" It was carried in the affirmative by a majority of fixty-nine voices against thirty-fix; but twentyDebates of four lords protefted against it.

the com

mons on the

bill.

Pr. H. C.

The bill being fent down to the commons, the lordfeptennial Guernsey moved for the rejecting of it without being read; but his motion was declared to be unprecedented, and the bill read. Upon the question for the second reading, there arofe a debate, of which the most remarkable paffage was, that an eminent member, who had been, in the most difficult times, very zealous for the Proteftant fucceffion, spoke against the bill, and, among other things, fuggefted, That it was an impofition of the lords to take upon them to direct the commons in a matter, which folely concerns them, as guardians of the rights and liberties of the people.' He was feconded by Mr. Shippen; but the lord Coningsby made them fenfible, That their objection was altogether, groundlefs, and the refult of their want, either of experience or memory; for had they, like himfelf, been members of that houfe, when the triennial act was made, they might have. remembered, that the fame was begun in the house of lords, who, as part of the legiflature, are no lefs guardians of the liberties of the fubject, than the commons themfelves. Mr. Fuller and the lord Guernsey fpoke afterwards against the bill, but were anfwered by the lord Stanhope, eldest fon to the earl of Cheflerfield; and a fecond reading was at laft carried by a majority of two hundred and feventy-fix against a hundred and fifty-fix.

In the mean time, feveral petitions were prepared in the country, and prefented to the house against the bill, particularly from Haftings, Marlborough, Cambridge, and Abingdon. Then, the bill being read the fecond time, there arose a warm debate, which lafted from about two in the afternoon till near eleven at night.

Mr. Lyddal spoke a long fpeech for the bill, and, among other things, faid. If this opportunity be loft, you may poffibly never have another, or at leaft fo good a one, not only to conquer, but even to eradicate that fpirit of Jacobitifm, which has dwelt long amongst us, and has more than once brought this nation to the very brink of ruin and deftruction. Since therefore, with much danger and difficulty, we have at laft fecured our religion, laws, and liberties, when all was at stake from the treachery of the late ministry, and the unaccountable proceedings of the last triennial parliament, why fhould you run the risk of having a new one fo foon,

firft chofen by French money, and then voting by French Geo. I. directions, fince the king and his parliament exert their united 1716. power for the good of the public, and to retrieve the honour of the nation? Why fhould they not continue longer toge ther, that they may finish what they have fo unanimoufly and happily begun? Upon the whole, the electors and people of all the boroughs in England having, for feveral years paft, been bribed and preached into the pretender's intereft, and a diflike of the Proteftant fucceffion, it become rather neceffity than choice, to apply an extraordinary remedy to an extraor dinary disease.'

After this and feveral other fpeeches, it was carried for committing the bill (a); and, the next day, a petition from the borough of Horfham was prefented to the house, setting forth, That they looked upon the bill as an overturning the conftitution, and an infringement of their liberties; at which expreffions the house being offended, it was refolved, that the petition fhould be rejected. Then Mr. Lechmere moved, That the committee have leave to receive a clause, to difable perforts from being chofe members of either houfe of parliament, who have penfions during pleafure, or any number of years.' But Mr. fecretary Stanhope having re prefented, that fuch a claufe would but clog the bill, and endanger its mifcarriage, part of it being derogatory to the pri vileges of the house of lords; and that, if any jealousy were entertained of the members of the houfe of commons having penfions from the crown, a bill might be brought in to ex

(a) Mr. Haddon, a Scotch member, having fpoken for the bill, Mr. Snell, one of the reprefentatives for the city of Gloucefter, faid, It was no wonder that they who had betrayed the liberties of their own conntry, fhould be fo ready to give up theirs.' Mr. Smith animadverted upon this injurious reflection, and faid, "That the member, who made that fpeech, would not be fo bold as to utter thofe words any where elfe.' He was feconded by lord Coning fby; and, the difpute Being like to grow warm, the Speaker interpofed, and faid, That, all the members of the VOL. XIX.

houfe having the privilege of
explaining themfelves, Mr. Snell
ought to enjoy the fame. Here
upon Mr. Snell faid, 'That he
meant no perfonal reflection on
Mr. Haddon, and that he only
fpoke of the Scots nation in ge-
neral: By which pretended ex-
cufe' Sir David Dalrymple being
provoked, faid, That this ex-
planation, instead of extenua-
ting, did but aggravate the of
fence;' for which he demanded
fatisfaction. Some other mem-
bers calling to the bar,' Mr.
Snell prevented any further pro
ceeding, by begging pardon for
any unguarded expreffion he
might have let fall.”

B

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Geo. I. clude them; the motion for the claufe was rejected, and a 1716. feparate bill against penfioners fitting in the house was or

dered to be brought in, which, having paffed both houses, received the royal affent. When the feptennial bill had gone through the committee of the whole houfe, it was read the third time, and, the question for paffing it being put, a debate of two hours enfued. Thofe, who spoke against the bill, were Mr. Freeman, Mr. Hungerford, Mr. Fuller, Mr. Wykes, the lord Finch, eldest fon to the earl of Nottingham, and fome others. They were feverally answered by Sir Richard Steele, Mr. comptroller, Sir William Thompson, captain Earle, Mr. Tufnel, Mr. Morris, and Sir John Brownlow (b). After which, the bill paffed by a majority

(b) Mr. Hampden fpoke for the bill, part of whofe fpeech was as follows:

A principal argument for continuing the trienniel bill, is, that it is agreeable to the ancient laws of this nation, that there fhould be frequent parliaments. I find, by the laws I have looked over, that parliaments bught to be frequently held: But I found it no where laid down as a fundamental pofition of the nature of this conftitution, that there should be frequent elections. If gentlemen will look to the beginning of parliaments, they will find, in the 4th, 5th, and 36th of Edward III, that, for redrefs of ⚫ divers mifchiefs and grievan❝ces which daily happen, a parliament fhall be holden every year, or oftener, if need be.' Let it then be confidered, in what manner thofe parliaments were held: When a king met his parliament, they ufed to fit ten or twenty days, and then were prorogued or diffolved; and there were frequent intermiffions of parliaments, none being called for feveral years.

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By looking over the journals, we find the prorogations and diffolutions of parliaments.

To come down to the time of Henry VIII. few of his parliaments fat more than twenty days, though there was not a parliament met every year; and, from the 7th to the 25th of Henry VIII, there are no journals, and confequently we cannot tell in what manner parlia ments were held. Afterwards, there were feveral parliaments, but not every year, to the end of his reign.

A parliament was called the first year of Edward VI, and, in five years, fat but four months. In Philip and Mary there were four parliaments, but the feffions extremely fhort, From the 2d to the 5th, and from the 7th to the 13th of queen Elizabeth, no parliament met, and, from the 14th to the 25th of queen Elizabeth, the parliament fat only from the 8th of May to the 30th of June; and, four years after, from the 8th of February to the 8th of March following; and, in eight years after, never fat to do bu

finefs,

majority of two hundred and fixty-four, against one hundred Geo. I. and twenty-one; and being fent back to the lords, received, 1716. foon after, the royal affent.

On

nefs, but were then diffolved.termitted above three years." There were fix other parlia ments called in queeh Elizabeth's time; but never fat long, unlefs that in the 39th of her reign, which fat four months..

The parliament, the first of James I, fat about four months, and, in three years after, fat about eight days. The parliament was not diffolved til the 9th of James, but fat twice or thrice only. There were three other parliaments in his reign, but they met very seldom.

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The feffions in king Charles I. were much fhorter than of late days, and very frequent prorogations; and, in the 16th of his reign, an act was paffed, for preventing inconveniencies by long intermiffion of parliaments; by which it was provided, that a parliament fhould meet every three years; which law we find repealed in the 16th of Charles II. by reafon that the provifions in the former law were looked upon as a derogation to his majefty's just and undoubted prerogative for calling and affembling parliaments, and might be an occafion of manifold mischiefs, and might endanger the peace of his people.' This faid act is repealed, and a provifion made therein, that, becaufe, by the ⚫ ancient laws of this realm, in the reign of Edward III. parliaments are to be held very often, the fitting and holding of parliaments fhall not be in

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In this king's reign, the long parliament was held; and, whatever corruptions they were tainted with, they could never be accused of favouring the caufe of France, or attempting to enflave their own country.

In king James II, that unfortunate prince, a parliament was held in May, 1685, and fat about two months, and was, at feveral times prorogued to November 1687. Then the happy revolution took place; and, in the Bill of Rights, 1 Gul. & Mar. it is declared and enacted, that all the rights and li

berties, afferted and claimed in the faid declaration, are the true, ancient, and indubitable rights and liberties of the people of this kingdom, and ought to be firmly and ftrictly holden and obferved.' And, in the fame bill, among this long catalogue of grievances, which precedes the faid declaration, there is not the least mention made of want of frequent elections, but only that parliaments ought to be free.' In the fixth of king William, this now-favoured bill for triennial parliaments was pafled; and upon this occafion, I cannot help obferving, that it is fome fatisfaction, that the people abroad, who look upon the reign of that prince as a ufurpation, fhould be fond of any one a&t that was paffed in that time; and, I hope from hence, they may, in time, be more reconciled to B 2 the

Geo. I. On the 26th of April died that great man, and great pa1716. triot, the lord Sommers, whofe character is drawn with

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If gentlemen will look over the writs of fummons, and the returns to those writs, they will find no mention how long any parliament is to laft; but the return makes mention of the perfons who are to ferve in the parliament that is to meet and be held at fuch a time at Weftminfter. But it must be allowed, that the parliament is fubject to the triennial act while it fubfifts; and therefore the advantages or inconveniencies of that law ought chiefly to be confidered in the matter now before us: And, in case an act be found prejudicial, if fuch a veneration is to be paid to a law, as not to alter it, from any conviction of its being infufficient, or attend. ed with ill confequences, I think the legislature will become, in a manner, ufelefs. I take the principal matter to be, to examine what benefit has accrued to the nation by virtue of this bill, and if the inconveniencies do not outweigh all the advantages?

It is pretended, that by triennial elections the people have an opportunity of laying afide thofe perfons with whofe behaviour, in parliament, they are diffatisfied, or fuch, whom they apprehend to be under court-influences: I defire it may be confidered, how very few examples there are of perfons, who having accepted places, have not been re-elected. The reafon is

great

very obvious; because the people who love expences, judge, that a man who has a place of profit, is much more capable of making an expence, than he that has none. But, fuppofing any gentleman fo wickedly dif pofed, as to facrifice his opinion to the lucre of a place, does not fuch a perfon, who has spent five or fix hundred pounds at his election, and his circumftances not very able to bear it, come more prepared for a courttemptation, than if he had enjoyed his feat in parliament, and been free from the trouble and expence of frequent elections? I appeal to gentlemen, if expences are not increased? And, if any inftance can be produced, where they are abated, many more may be where they are increased; fo that the end of the bill, in this refpect, is no way anfwered.

It is faid, that expences being voluntary, it is the fault only of thofe who make them; but, when we obferve the contagion of expences to be univerfally fpread in the kingdom at the time of elections, and a diffolution of manners, occafioned by fuch expences, it is time for the legislature to interpofe, and prevent the dangerous confequences of fuch an evil. Do, gentlemen, confider the diftractions occafioned by elections, and the impoffibility, confidering the fmall interval of elections, to heal up thofe wounds, which the animofities of parties have occafioned; fo that it is

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