der the crown uneafy to his majefty. That he owed fo
much to the Proteftant fucceffion, that, if he could believe
this bill to be of any fervice to the king and royal family, he
would be intirely for it; but, as he was of a contrary opi-
nion, he would not have a bill, obtained in the beft of
reigns, repealed in the first year of this Proteftant reign. And
therefore he was against the committing of this bill.' Lord
Carteret, who spoke next, owned, That frequent parlia-
ments are a great fecurity of the people's rights and liber-
ties; but he obferved, that this bill was not against frequent
feffions, but only against frequent elections.
That they
ought maturely to weigh and confider what was fuggefted in
the preamble of the bill, That there is a reftlets Popifh
faction defigning and endeavouring to renew the rebellion
within this kingdom.' That, of all rebellions, this last
was the most monstrous and unnatural; for all other rebel-
lions were carried on under pretences of liberty, whereas this
laft was a rebellion for flavery. That, as to our allies
abroad, though he could not fay, that they expected this
bill, yet it was reasonable to fuppofe, that they would be
glad to fee it pass into a law; for, having found, by fad ex-
perience, that great changes may be made in the best con-
certed measures by different parliaments, inflamed by dif-
ferent ministries; fo, if they had not fome fecurity for the
treaties his majefty was now entering into with them, a
ftrong tide might come upon a new election, that might
overturn all. That, in fhort, this bill would fix the king,
and the present happy establishment, on a lafting foundation;
and therefore he was for committing it.' The earl of Chol-
mondley faid, That he made no doubt, but the legislature
is vefted with a fupreme power to rectify any inconveniencies,
to which any former law may, by experience, be found to
be fubject; and, this being the cafe of the Triennial Act,
they ought to remedy the fame. That what had been fug-
gefted, in relation to the long parliament in king Charles the
fecond's reign, was, in his opinion, rather an argument for,
than against the bill. For though, in that parliament, the
king had many penfioners, who, at firft, complimented him
with money, yet at laft, when the intereft of the nation
came to be at ftake, they voted for a war with France, and
profecuted the Popish plot with the utmoft vigour. That
they had lately feen what a corrupt parliament may do, and
by what means fuch a parliament may be got: And every
one might guess how there came to be a debt of 500,000l.
upon the civil lift. That he did not mention this to irritate

against

Geo. I.

1716.

Gèo. I. The duke of Shrewsbury spoke with fome vehemence 1716. against the bill; after which the lord Parker inlarged on the conftitution with relation to the calling, election, fitting, and prolonging of parliaments. He was followed by the

lord chancellor Cowper, who refumed all the arguments that Geo. I. had been urged in the debate; rectified fome miftakes as to 1716. the constitution and nature of the parliaments; gave a clear account of the triennial act; and vindicated the king and the government, as to the prefent difaffection; appealing to the lords and commons, Whether the leaft provocation had been given either by his majefty or his minifters?' and afferting, That, if there was any fault on the king's fide, it was too much lenity; and that the only crime that could be charged on his minifters, was their zeal and vigilance in defence of his majesty's perfon and government." The earl of Aylesford having anfwered part of the lord chancellor's fpeech, the bishop of London faid, That, when he came to the house, he knew not which way he fhould give his vote, and hoped to be guided and determined by what fhould be offered on both fides on this important fubject: But now he owned he was confounded between dangers and inconveniencies on one fide, and deftruction on the other.'

The earl of Anglesea spoke next with great vehemence against the bill; and the duke of Bucks clofed the debate with faying, That he was for the bill, but did not think it feasonable. At laft, the queftion, That the bill be committed,' being put, it was carried in the affirmative by ninetyfix voices against fixty-one. But thirty lords entered their protests (d).

(d) They were as follow:

Diffentient.

I. Because, we conceive, that frequent and new parliaments are required by the fundamental conftitution of the kingdom, and the practice thereof, for many ages (which manifeftly appears by our records) is a fufficient evidence and proof of this conftitution.

II. Because it is agreed, that the house of commons must be chofen by the people; and, when fo chofen, they are truly the reprefentatives of the people, which they cannot be fo properly faid to be, when continued for a longer time than that,

Two

for which they were chofen;
for, after that time, they are
chofen by the parliament, and
not by the people, who are
thereby deprived of the only re-
medy, which they have against
thofe, who either do not under-
ftand, or, through corruption,
do wilfully betray the truft re-
pofed in them; which remedy
is to chufe better men in their
places.

III. Because the reasons given
for this bill, we conceive, were
not fufficient to induce us to
pass it, in fubverfion of fo effen-
tial a part of our conftitution.

1. For, as to the argument, that this will encourage the princes and states of Europe to

enter

14
Geo. I. Two days after the lords confidered of the bill in a grand
1716. committee, and most of the former fpeakers exerted them-

enter into alliances with us, we
have not heard any one minifter
affert, that any one prince or
ftate has afked, or fo much as
infinuated, that they wifhed fuch
an alteration.

Nor is it reasonable to ima-
gine it; for it cannot be ex-
pected, that any prince or state
can rely upon a people to de-
fend their liberties and interefts,
who fhall be thought to have
given up fo great a part of their
own; nor can it be prudent for
them to wifh fuch an experi-
ment, after the experience that
Europe has had of the great
things this nation has done for
them, under the conftitution
which is to be altered by this
bill.

But, on the other hand, they may be deterred from entering into measures with us, when they fhall be informed by the preamble of this bill, that the Popish faction is fo dangerous, as that it may be deftructive to the peace and fecurity of the government; and may apprehend, from this bill, that the government is fo weak, as to want fo extraordinary a provifion for its fafety; which feems to imply, that the gentlemen of Britain are not to be trufted or relied upon; and that the good affections of the people are restrained to fo fmall a number, as that, of which the prefent houfe of commons confifts.

z. We conceive, this bill is fo far from preventing expences and corruptions, that it will rather increase them, for the

felves

be
longer a parliament is to laft,
pur-
the more valuable to
chafed is a ftation in it, and the
greater alfo is the danger of cor-
rupting the members of it. For,
if there fhould be a ministry,
who fhall want a parliament to
screen them from the just refent-
ment of the people, or from a
difcovery of their ill practices
to the king, who cannot other-
wife, or fo truly, be informed
of them, as by a free parlia-
ment, it is fo much the intereft
of fuch a miniftry to influence
the elections, (which, by their
authority, and the difpofal of
the public money, they, of all
others, have the best means of
doing) that, it is to be feared,
they will be tempted, and not
fail to make use of them; and,
even when the members are
chofen, they have a greater op-
portunity of inducing very
many to comply with them,
than they could have, if not
only the feffions of parliament,
but the parliament itself were
reduced to the ancient and pri-
mitive conftitution and practice
of frequent and new parlia-
ments; for, as a good ministry
will neither practife, nor need
corruption, fo it cannot be any
lord's intent to provide for the
fecurity of a bad one.

3. We conceive, that what-
ever reafons may induce the
lords to pafs this bil, to conti-
nue this parliament for feven
years, will be, at leaft, as ftrong,
and may, by the conduct of the
miniftry, be made much stronger
before the end of feven years,

for

selves for and against it; and, among others, a bishop, who Geo. I. had not yet fpoken on the fubject, faid, If this bill was ne- 1716. ver fo good in itself, it was very unfeasonable, because very unpopular, and altogether useless, the rebellion being crushed, and the power of France not to be feared; now especially, when we have a glorious standing army, and a miniftry, that knows how effectually to engage the affections of the people." The committee having gone through the bill, and ordered the blank before the word Years to be filled up with the word Seven, the question was put, Whether the fame fhould be reported, in order to be ingroffed, which was carried by feventy-four voices against thirty-nine. The next day the bill was reported, and, without dividing, ordered to be engroffed; and, being read the third time, on the 18th of April, there arofe a debate, which lafted about two hours. Near half of that time was taken up by the earl of Nottingham, who, among other things, by a long historical detail, endeavoured to fhew, That counfels for enlarging the prerogative were ever pernicious to the crown.' To this the duke of Argyle anfwered, That, not being fo well read in hiftory as that noble lord, he would confine himself to what had happened in his own time; and that he had obferved, that his lordfhip had, by turns, oppofed all that had been offered, either for the interest of the crown, or the liberties of the people; of which he might eafily produce feveral instances: adding, <That he did not much wonder there appeared already fo much joy among a certain party over a repenting finner."