the people hear the story, they will be discouraged." He then summoned his followers into his presence. When they saw the body of Tandar they were filled with fear, and threw themselves on the ground before Kutayba. He asked them why they were appalled by Tandar's execution. They replied: "Verily, we thought that he was a friend to the Musulman." "No," replied Kutayba, "he was a traitor-may God punish him for his sins, but he has met with his deserts. Now go and prepare to meet the enemy to-morrow with more courage than you have hitherto shown."

On the following day the Arabs took up their positions and began the fight with fresh vigour, while Kutayba passed through the ranks giving his commands and encouraging his men in every way. The battle lasted till sunset, when the enemy gave way and fled in disorder towards the town, hotly pursued by the Arabs. A few only reached the shelter of its walls, while the rest were slain or taken prisoners. Kutayba immediately began a regular siege of Baykand, which, though the place had lost most of its garrison, cost the assailants many lives.2 For fifty days, says Narshakhi, "the efforts of the Musulmans were of no avail, and their sufferings were great. At last they had recourse to stratagem. A party of soldiers dug a trench under the town-wall, near the citadel, connected with a stable within the fortress, where they made another breach in the wall. Hardly had the Musulmans reached the fortress ere these men sallied from the breach. Kutayba shouted: "To the first man who enters the fort by this breach I will give blood-money, and if he should be killed, then his

1 Cf. Tabari's Annales, Series II. p. 1187, and Zotenberg's Chroniques de Tabari, vol. iv. p. 157.

2 Neither version of Tabari gives any details of this siege, but Narshakhi's account, of which we extract a portion, is most vivid.

children shall receive it." This promise filled the besiegers with emulation. All threw themselves into the breach, and captured the fort. The men of Baykand begged for quarter, which Kutayba granted, and then retired laden with booty, leaving a lieutenant in the town with a detachment of troops. But when he reached Khunbūn, which is only a farsakh's distance from Baykand, on the Bokhārā road, he learnt that the people of Baykand had risen against his lieutenant and garrison, and slaughtered them after cutting off their noses and ears.2

Kutayba immediately turned back and invaded the town a second time. The siege lasted a month, when the Amir had a tunnel excavated under the wall and filled with wood, which was set on fire. The wall above crumbled and fell, crushing forty men to death. The Baykandis offered to capitulate on condition that their lives were spared, but Kutayba stormed the town and put to death all the fighting men. The rest were carried off into slavery, and the city became a heap of ruins. Kutayba then returned to Merv with much spoil,3 which, according to Tabari, exceeded in value all the booty that had been taken by the Arabs in Khorāsān.

The story of Baykand's resurrection is a curious one. It was a town of long-standing fame and a great centre of

1 Tabari says that he had gone five farsakhs, but mentions no place

name.

2 Narshakhi records that the lieutenant, who was named Varkā, was answerable for this catastrophe. A citizen of Baykand, it seems, had two beautiful daughters. These the lieutenant abducted, whereupon the father remonstrated with him, saying: “Baykand is a large town, why, when you have the whole population to select from, should you carry off my daughters? As Varkā gave no answer, the enraged father drew out his knife and stabbed him, but not mortally.

Narshakhi tells that in Baykand, Kutayba found a heathen temple in which was a silver idol weighing 4000 direms; also a quantity of golden vessels which, when weighed together, amounted to 150,000 mithkals.

trade; and, during the siege, most of the heads of families were absent in China and other distant countries with their caravans. On their return they redeemed their wives and surviving relatives from the Arabs, and soon repeopled Baykand. Narshakhi justly remarks,1 that it is the only town in history which, after undergoing a destruction, root and branch, was restored to its former prosperity by the same generation as saw its ruin. Tabari adds that the inhabitants agreed to pay a yearly tribute to the Arabs, and were guaranteed peace, under a written pact, by Kutayba.

The conquest of Baykand was achieved by Kutayba in the autumn of the year of the Hijra, 87 (705). He then returned for the winter season to his headquarters at Merv. It was not till A.H. 88 (706) that Kutayba entered on a career of conquest. During his first two years of command he had achieved little towards the extension of the Caliph's authority in Central Asia. His predecessors had already carried their arms as far as the city of Bokhārā, while his own had never extended far beyond the frontier of that kingdom. The destruction of Baykand was, however, a feat of no mean value, as, quite apart from the immense booty which fell into the victor's hands, the position of the town rendered it "the south-western gate of Transoxiana,” 2

But the most remarkable of his discoveries were two pearls, each the size of a pigeon's egg. Kutayba on beholding them asked the people whence such large pearls had been brought. They replied, "that they had been brought to the temple by birds in their beaks." When Kutayba sent intelligence of his conquest of Baykand to Hajjaj, he also despatched these two pearls, with the account of the tradition relating to them. The reply of Hajjāj ran thus: "We have read your story, and it has filled us with wonder; but more wonderful than the two large pearls, and the birds that brought them, is your generosity in having sent to me these precious prizes you had taken. May the blessing of God be upon you."

1 Ed. Schefer, p. 43. Khartum may possibly come to offer a parallel. 2 Vambéry, Bokhara, p. 25.

and hence its importance to the Arabs as a basis for further encroachments.

The immediate objects of Kutayba's attacks were, according to Tabari,1 Numushkat and Rāmtīna, which obtained peace on condition of paying a yearly tribute.

Meanwhile the people of Bokhārā, Soghdiana, and the surrounding countries had banded together to oppose the Arab invaders, who found themselves surrounded in the country lying between Tārāb, Khunbūn, and Rāmtīna. The combined forces numbered about 40,000 men, and comprised the armies of the Tarkhun Melik of Soghd, Khunuk-Khudāt, Vardān-Khudāt, and Prince KurMaghānūn,2 who was a son of the Chinese emperor's sister, and who was, according to Narshakhi, a mercenary soldier of fortune. Kutayba had set out on his return to Merv when the Turks suddenly fell upon his rear-guard. The Musulmans were beginning to waver, but Kutayba appeared on the scene of action and filled them with fresh courage. The battle lasted till midday, when "God put the Turks to flight." to Merv, taking the road in the crossing the Oxus above Tirmiz. he received a letter from Hajjāj ordering him to march against the Vardān-Khudāt, king of Bokhārā. He therefore retraced his steps and crossed the Oxus at Zamin. On the road through the desert he was met by some Soghdians and the people of Kess (Kesh) and Nasaf (Nakhshab), whom he engaged and defeated. He then plunged into Bokhārā, and pitched his camp at

1 Tabari, Annales, Series II. p. 1195.

Kutayba then returned direction of Balkh, and On reaching Fāryāb

2 Scholars have hitherto failed to read this satisfactorily. The forms that occur are Kur-Bughanun, Kurighanun, etc. Professor Houtsma has suggested that the termination should be read nuin, i.e. prince.

$ Narshakhi.

4 Not, of course, to be confounded with Färab opposite Chārjúy; but the reading of the name is doubtful.

Lower Kharkāna, to the right of Vardan, where he was attacked by superior forces. After a battle which lasted for two days and two nights, victory declared for the Arabs. Kutayba now advanced against the VardānKhudāt, king of Bokhārā, but was repulsed and retreated to Merv. Here he informed Hajjāj by letter how he had fared, and was ordered to send his master a map of the country. Having examined this map, Hajjāj wrote to him in the following terms: "Return to your former purpose, and acknowledge in prayer to God your repentance for having abandoned it. Attack the enemy at vulnerable points. Crush Kesh, destroy Nasaf, and repulse Vardān.1 Take care that you are not surrounded; and leave the difficulties of the road to me.' On receiving these instructions, Kutayba left Merv, and in the beginning of the year A.H. 90 (708) again invaded the kingdom of Bokhārā. When the Vardan-Khudāt heard of Kutayba's advance, he sent messengers to the Soghdians and their neighbours asking for their help. Kutayba arrived before their allies, and immediately laid siege to Vardān; but as soon as reinforcements appeared the garrison sallied forth and attacked the Arabs.

The versions of the battle that ensued as given by Tabari and Narshakhi 2 differ materially, while both enter into so much detail that it is hard to reconcile them. That given by Tabari 3 is graphic enough to deserve epitomising.

1 The italics indicate three excellent puns in the original Arabic. Hajjaj had a universal reputation as a master of this difficult tongue. The words may be transcribed as follows: Kiss bi Kissa wansif Nasafan waridd Wardan.

Narshakhi's version of the campaign is full of discrepancies, and the events of the years 88-91 are perforce presented to the reader without much regard for chronology or natural sequence. The results are to be found in Bellew's epitome (Yarkand Expedition, p. 117).

Annales, Series II. p. 1201.