that 80 percent of them worked in agriculture, as they did in 1958, there would have been 4 million women in agricultural production which is about 50 percent of all village women 15-59 years of the agricultural population in 1957 (of about 8 million one year earlier).

Explanation of data for Fukien 1957

In the editorial (see source for Fukien 1957) it was estimated that of an agricultural labour force of 5.6 million in the whole of Fukien women made up 45 percent which would give 2.52 million women in farm work. In addition 1.5 million women did not take part in agricultural production, which would mean that 63 percent of the total number of able-bodied village women took part in production. The sentence before revealed that too few women worked too little in the fields. Thereafter a calculation was made of how the APC's would benefit if all the women available could take part in agriculture as the village women had done in the model APC, the Long March. Thus, the 1.5 million women referred to women with working capacity in the agricultural population and not to other population groups.

In table 4 the low data indicating that from 30 to 65 percent of women worked in Chinese agriculture up to 1956 were all published in late September 1959, in commemoration of the 10th anniversary of the founding of the PRC (see table 4, sources for Shansi 1959, Kiangsu 1949, 1955, Anhwei 1953, Chekiang 1953, 1956). The low figures were given in contrast to higher percentages achieved later, either in 1956 (see table 4, sources for Shansi 1956) or 1958 (see table 4, sources for Kiangsu 1958, Anhwei 1958) or 1959 (see table, 4, sources for Kiangsu 1959, Chekiang 1959).

The high data of 60 to 90 percent for the early 1950's were all published before 1954, and all referred to north and northeast China. Two sources gave 83 percent for Kirin province in 1950 (see Kirin 1950) while the rounded figure of 80 was given for Kirin 6 years later in 1956 (see Kirin 1956). Thus, either the number of women in agriculture decreased or stagnated, or the first figure for 1950 was inflated or both of them were. The two sources for Kirin for the year 1950 were published in connection with Woman's Day 1951, while the data for 1956 was published before the busy summer season in May 1957 exhorting women to work in the same great great numbers in agriculture as in the preceding year. (See table 4, sources for Kirin, 1950 and 1956.) Earlier it was indicated that "old liberated" areas did not have higher participation rates than the average claimed for all of China at the same time. North and Northeast China had only new liberated areas.

Therefore, it appears that tradition might play a more crucial role than the timing of the land reform. According to J. L. Buck's study from the 1930's the greater this number of busy seasons in agriture the more likely a higher participation rate of females, and more labor intensive a crop was, the more likely there was to be a higher proportion of women participating. 205 North China in comparison to the rest of China had fewer busy seasons in agriculture and less labor intensive crops, wheat in comparison to rice. Thus type of crop and climate will not explain the estimated high participation rate of women in agriculture. But another phenomenon, the degree of industrialization type of industries and how it in different ways will effect women and men might give an explanation. Statistics from the Soviet Union, Japan, and Europe, show that during industrialization women as a group were left longer in the most primitive and least productive areas

205 J. L. Buck, 1964, p: 291, table 2.

of the economy.206 In China this means agriculture. Later on when women were mobilized for industry they were first channeled into its most unproductive sector.207 This was particularly true if fairly rapid industrialization took place and resources were concentrated in heavy industry.208 This appears to have been the case with North and Northeast China.

This pattern of women being left in agriculture and men being recruited by heavy industry has even been promoted as a national model, the Ta-ch'ing model. In Ta-ch'ing men as a group were recruited to work in the oilfields, together with a minority of young women, while the majority of women were mobilized for agricultural production. 209 North and Northeast China have exceptionally high percents for the early 1950's published before 1954. Besides that there are only high data from Northwest China (that is, Jehol and Sinkiang) for the years before 1956. The 1954 and 1955 data were both published by the People's Daily in connection with Women's Day 1955. Hence the percentage given on March 2 for 1955 as the women's participation rate that year in Sinkiang can hardly refer to agricultural production, but appears to be rough estimate. Women were said "for the time being to take part in agriculture allsidedly particularly in weeding and cotton planting." Could that really refer to weeding and cotton planting in 1955? The rate of 70 percent was given for the preceding year, also in the People's Daily 5 days later.

All the pre-1956 ranges given for the fertile areas of China where agriculture is more important in the economy than in Northeast or Northwest China give percentages from 30 to 65. These percentages include the provinces of Shantung, Shansi, Kiangsu, Anhwei, and Chekiang. Our calculation for 1955 from table 3 (see table 3, "average areas" and explanation of data for 1955) of 54 to 59 percent corresponds quite well to the ranges for 1955 in table 4 of 50 to 65 percent. Also the 30 to 43 percent given for 1953 compares well with the contrasting data given for new and old liberated areas referring to the preceding year (see table 3 for 1952 old and new liberated areas). In the same vein the 40 percent for Kiangsu in 1949 (table 4) corresponds to the 30 to 50 range for "new liberated areas" for 1949 (see table 3).

In table 4 the year 1956 has the highest number of estimates for any one year. All the high data for that year of 80 percent and 90 percent were either published in 1956, or in connection with Women's Day, March 1957. Thus the highest estimate for 1956 of 90 percent is from September 1956, while one figure of 80 percent is from June the same year and three more of 80 percent are from Women's Day

206 N. T. Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 1966, p. 162 ff. Tabashi Royama, The Changing Social Position of Women in Japan, UNESCO, 1961.

E. Boserup, Kyinna i u-land (Women's role in economic development) 1970, part II, p. 53, 184 ff. 207 "Hold high the banner of Mao Tse tung thought, further mobilize women to realize the struggle for a continuing Leap Forward in 1960." Excerpts from a speech by Ts'ai Ch'ang, Chairwoman ACWT, on its second meeting 3rd executive committee. JMJP, 1960.2.25.

Referring to modernized big enterprises "where the greater part of the workers in the hand-operation departments are women".

205 (1) "Speech by comrade T'an Chen-lin at the National Conference of Women Activists in Socialist Construction", CKFN, No. 1, 1959.1.1., p. 6 ff.

(II) Ma Wen-jui, "The problem of labor force in building socialism in our country", Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), No. 5, 1961.3.1.

(III) Li Ting-ching, "On the problem of labor distribution in industry and agriculture" in KMJP, 1961.11. 20. in CCD No. 60, p. 59 ff.

209 (1) Reporter from CKFN, "The revolutionary family dependents in Tach'ing," CKFN, 1965.5.1., No. 5.

(II) "Recent reports from Tach'ing oilfield," URS, vol. 70, No. 8, p. 108, 1973.1.26.

(III) "Actively bring up and develop women cadres from among the dependents of workers and staff,” JMJP, 1973.3.10.

1957. The lowest estimates for 1956 of 60 to 70, 70 and 70 to 80 were all published in 1959 in connection with the 10th anniversary of the founding of the PRC. In two of the three cases lower ranges before 1956 and higher ranges after, are given (see table 3 for 1956).

Likewise for the year 1957 three low data of 50 to 68 percent were all published in 1958, while the only high figure for 1957 that from Sinkiang of 80 was published in March of 1957 (see table 3, see Hunan, Yunnan, and Sinkiang). In addition there is an estimate from the Shanghai rural areas (not included in table 4) saying that 65 percent of the women participated in agricultural production in 1957, in contrast to 95 percent in 1958.210

In the same vein the lowest figure for 1958 of 80 percent was published first in September 1959 and had an even higher percentage of 95 plus for 1959 (see Kiangsu 1958, and 1959). The highest figure of 100 percent for 1958 decreased to 95 in 1959, but was as low as 68 percent for 1957. This figure (see Yunnan 1957-59) and the one for Anhwei of 95 plus were both published in commemoration of the 10th anniversary of the People's Republic of China in September 1959. For the year 1959 there is one figure of 90 plus, two of 95 plus, all published at the time of the anniversary, all of them starting from lower percentages for earlier years, from 40 in 1949, or 30 to 40 in 1953 or 68 in 1957. For the year 1960 there are two estimates, one of "almost 100 percent" given in April in Kweichow, thus during their first busy season of the year, though it does not refer specifically to any busy season. The other estimate from Shansi, published in midAugust 1960 in the People's Daily explicitly referred to 76 to 78 percent of women working during the busy season in agriculture. Another source, the Shansi jih-pao, at the time of the 10th anniversary in the preceding year, 1959, stated that 70 percent of the women worked in agriculture in 1956 which would be consistent with the 1960 data of 76 to 78 percent. Thus in both table 3 and 4 a few general tendencies in the data can be discerned. Figures given at the time of the publication are as rule much higher than figures given for the same period published a few years later.

Most of the data for the early 1950's appear ill-founded or exaggerated as the same data reoccur after a number of years with mobilization campaigns in between when more and more women, it was claimed, joined agricultural production (see table 3, "average areas" 1952-56), (see table 4, Kirin 1950 and 1956). The first data given are set so high that a decrease is shown over time, though all media claim that the number of working women is continually increasing (see table 3, "backward areas," "busy season," "new liberated areas," and "old liberated areas").

In comparing table 3 and 4 a pattern emerges. Beginning with Buck's data for 1929-33 of 30 plus or our calculation of his data leading to 30 to 50 percent, the same range was given for "old liberated areas" up to 1953 (see table 3, "old liberated areas" 1952) and the range 30 to 50 percent from 1949 to 1955 for five different provinces (see table 4). For 1955 there is a calculation 54 to 59 percent (see table 3, "average areas" 1955) and data from two provinces of 50 and 65 that were published first in 1959. For 1956 there is a calculation of

210 Shanghai Municipal Women's Representative Congress decides on a great scale for the "5-good movement," "To use the enormous force of women in the Great Leap Forward," KMJP, 1958.2.17.

67 to 79 percent (see table 3, "average areas" 1956). Excluding all data published that year or for Women's Day 1957 the data published in 1959 give 60, 60 to 70, and 70 to 80 percent, which would be in line with our estimate for 1956. For 1957, if Women's Day data published that year are excluded (see table 4, Sinkiang 1957) all figures give the range of 50 to 68 (see table 4 1957). That would fit well in with a busy season figure of 70 percent for 1957 (see table 3, "busy season" 1957), while our estimate of 65 to 80 percent for 1957 based on high 1956 data appears to be on the high side.

After the formation of the people's communes in late 1958 a new campaign to mobilize women began, as in 1956. This campaign will partly explain the high data for 1958 of 80 to 95, which continued well into 1959. Another part of the explanation is that the formation of the rural people's communes in late 1958 meant a complete transformation and collectivization of life. Hence, for example, women who cooked on a private basis earlier would have had to perform the same activities in a communal setting after the formation of communes, and would thus have been included in the agricultural labour force, category c. By cooking in public canteens instead of in their own kitchens they would release some more women for work in the fields. Both the women in the canteen and the women they released from cooking would be included in the agricultural labour force. In this way part of the high increase in the proportion of women working in agriculture may be explained.

The poor harvest in 1959 contributed to the closing of many of the canteens, nurseries, and collective service undertakings in 1959 and 1960, leading to a lower labor force participation rate for women. As the great crisis in agriculture was well underway in 1960, and the statistical system had already broken down in late 1958, national data might be regarded as even more suspect than provincial data for 1960. Thus the average of 90 for all of China appear dubious (see table 3, average 1960), while 76 to 78 for Shansi in busy season might be more reliable. This is also the case when comparing the Shansi figure with the estimate of "almost 100" for Kweichow, because the Shansi data are consistent with a 1956 estimate of 70 that was first published in late 1959. Earlier it was shown that estimates published a few years after the time period they refer to tend to be less exaggerated, therefore the Shansi data can be considered more reliable here (see table 4, Shansi, 1956 and 1960, and Kweichow 1960). The Kweichow and Shansi data can also be interpreted in another way; namely, that the Shansi figure conforms to our definition of estimate I while the Kweichow figure refers to estimate II of the agricultural labor force.

In this way a few data can be established for the number of women working in Chinese agriculture up to 1960. For 1929-33 there is a range of 30 to 50, which can be extended to 1954, then a range of 40 to 55 in 1955, 60 to 75 in 1956, of 50 to 65 in 1957, of 80 to 95 in 1958 and 1959, and of 70 to 80 in 1960.

The 1960's in China were characterized by a statistical blackout. Because no new national statistics has been published from 1960 onward there are only estimates for the post-1960 period. In regard to

agriculture either data given earlier were repeated or very general statements were made. The only detailed information released usually referred to the local level, often to a commune or a production brigade. They were often depicted as models to emulate. Thus the accomplishments described would most likely represent the maximum achievement in that particular field.

In table 3 when comparing "average" with "model" areas over the years, the average difference given between model and average areas is 20-30 percent, if only the sources where both types of areas are estimated at the same time are employed. In both average and model areas for 1950-52 the difference of 30 in all three cases is given by the same source (see table 3, average areas, 1950 (60)). For 1952 Teng Ying-ch'ao twice and Wang Keng-chin once gave the difference of 30, and Teng Ying-ch'ao once of 20. In the same vein the difference of 20 to 30 was given for 1953 and 10 to 30 for 1956 (see table 3). In table 5 [below] a few scattered figures from the 1960's and 1970's have been computed.

TABLE 5.-PROPORTION OF WOMEN WORKING IN AGRICULTURE OF ALL WOMEN OF WORKING AGE IN THE AGRICULTURAL POPULATION, 1963-76

1963-New times, new women, new styles", JMJP, 1964,3.9., p. 2.

1965-(1) 36. Chingsu Brigade Women's Congress under Hsinchuan commune in Hsiang yin County, Hunan Province "Get out from yours small family, be an equal to men' KMJP, 1970.4.1., p. 4 in URS, vol. 59, No. 9, p. 126, 1970.5.1. (II) "60." "Excellent policy, use Mao Tse-tung's though to arm the women," JMJP, 1966.3.4.

1966-Ibid.

1970-See 1965, I.

1974 Women of China today," NCNA, 1975.3.5.

1976-"all,' "Social status of Hui women in North West China," NCNA, 1976.3.4. "an absolute majority," "Women prop up half the sky," NCNA, 1976.3.7.

Assuming the same difference being employed between model and average areas for the 1960's and 1970's as for the 1950's, means a deduction of 20 to 30 percent from the average of about 80 given, would mean 50 to 60 percent. The 1965 figure of 36 and 60 explicitly referred to conditions before a change was introduced [see table 5, source for 1965]. The continued exhortations in the press during the 1960's about the need for more labor and particularly more women to join agricultural production clearly showed that the high rates claimed for women during 1959 and 1960 were not sustained.211 If that had been

211 (I) Editorial, "Women, Contribute More to the Effort to Win a Bumper Harvest of Crops This Year," JMJP, 1961.3.8.

(II) "Agricultures labor requirements will be great for long time", KMJP, 1961.9.25. in CCD, No. 58, p. 67 ff.

(III) Editorial, "Women Strive for New Victories," JMJP, 1963.3.8.

(IV) "We Absolutely Need More Agricultural Laborers", KMJP, 1963.10.7. in CCD, No. 118, p. 90 ff. (V) "Announcement From the National Women's Federation to All Levels of the Women's Federation About Commemoration of 1965.3.8., International Women's Day", CKFN, 1965.2.16., p. 1 ff.

(VI) Editorial, "Fully Arouse Rural Women to Take Part In Collective Labor," Pei-ching jih-pao (Peking Daily), 1965.10.11. in SCMP. Suppl., No. 118 1966.3.1., p. 30.

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