United States of America of its acceptance thereof. The Government of the United States of America shall inform all the Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty of the date of the receipt of each such notification and of the date of the entry into force of the present Protocol.

ARTICLE IV

The present Protocol, of which the English and French texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the Archives of the Government of the United States of America. Duly certified copies thereof shall be transmitted by that Government to the Governments of all the Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty.

In witness whereof, the undersigned plenipotentiaries have signed the present Protocol.

Opened for signature at London the 17th day of October, 1951.

8. REPORT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE PRESI DENT, DECEMBER 21, 1951 2

THE PRESIDENT,

I have the honor to submit to you, with a view to the transmission thereof to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification, a protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the accession of Greece and Turkey, which was opened for signature at London on October 17, 1951, and has been signed on behalf of the United States of America and the other parties to the North Atlantic Treaty.

For some years the United States Government has recognized that the security of Greece and Turkey has an important bearing upon the national security of the United States and the security of other free nations. This has been evidenced by the inauguration of the militaryaid programs with respect to Greece and Turkey in 1947, by the extension of assistance under the Economic Cooperation Administration, and by repeated official statements on behalf of this Government. Moreover, for some time serious consideration has been given to the question of extending a United States security commitment to Greece and Turkey, both of which have strongly supported collective measures to maintain international peace and security.

The Governments of Greece and Turkey welcomed the North Atlantic Treaty as the most effective measure since World War II

1 Notifications of acceptance of this protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty were deposited with the U.S. Government by the member countries on the dates indicated, in the following order: the United Kingdom, Dec. 6, 1951; Canada, Jan. 21, 1952; Norway, Jan. 24, 1952; Iceland, Jan. 29, 1952; Denmark, Feb. 2, 1952; Luxembourg, Feb. 5, 1952; the Netherlands, Feb. 7, 1952; Portugal, Feb. 8, 1952; the United States, Feb. 11, 1952; Belgium and France, Feb. 14, 1952; and Italy, Feb. 15, 1952.

2 S. Exec. E, 82d Cong., 2d sess.

3 A Decade of American Foreign Policy, pp. 1252-1267.

to deter aggression and have ever since repeatedly expressed a desire for formal inclusion in the western defense system. In recognition of this desire and of the importance of Greece and Turkey to the security of the North Atlantic area, the North Atlantic Council on September 19, 1950, invited Greece and Turkey to associate themselves

with such appropriate phases of the military planning work of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as are concerned with the defense of the Mediterranean.1 Each country accepted the invitation. However, it soon became clear that this association did not provide an adequate means of integrating into western defense plants the maximum contribution which Greece and Turkey could make toward the common goal of the free world.

Last spring, accordingly, it became evident that in order to enhance western collaboration it was desirable and feasible to extend formal security arrangements to Greece and Turkey and to obtain reciprocal guaranties from these nations. Since admission to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization appeared to be an appropriate means by which such an arrangement might be accomplished, the question was explored with the Governments of the other North Atlantic Treaty countries and was subsequently discussed and thoroughly studied by their deputies in the North Atlantic Council. All North Atlantic Treaty Organization members recognized the necessity of a close link between the defense of the North Atlantic area and the defense of Greece and Turkey, but several wished to examine more fully the alternatives by which a link of this nature might be effectively established.

Following further consideration of the matter, the North Atlantic Council, at its meeting in Ottawa in September 1951, agreed that the accession of Greece and Turkey to the North Atlantic Treaty would be the most satisfactory solution. Such an arrangement appeared to be the only one which would provide Greece and Turkey with adequate assurance of the full support of the North Atlantic countries and at the same time would permit Greece and Turkey, by undertaking the same obligations as the other parties to the North Atlantic Treaty, to make maximum contributions to the mutual defense program. The North Atlantic Council therefore adopted a resolution, proposed by the United States, recommending that the member governments undertake the steps necessary to permit the extension of an invitation to Greece and Turkey to accede to the North Atlantic Treaty, and that a protocol be formulated which would provide the basis for the accession of the two countries to the treaty.

Article I of the protocol provides that upon the entry into force of the protocol the United States shall, on behalf of all the parties, invite Greece and Turkey to accede to the North Atlantic Treaty, as it may be modified by article II of the protocol. Thereafter, each of the

See Secretary Acheson's note of Sept. 19, 1950, to the Turkish Ambassador (infra, p. 2187) and related correspondence with Greece and Turkey (Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 16, 1950, pp. 632-633).

* See the Council's communiqué of Sept. 21, 1951; infra, pp. 1614–1616.

two countries shall become a party on the date when it deposits its instrument of accession with the United States in accordance with the provisions of article 10 of the treaty.

Article II of the protocol provides for an amendment to article 6 of the North Atlantic Treaty, which now defines the area within which an armed attack will bring the provisions of the treaty into play. This is necessary in order to include all of Turkey in that area. Other changes have been made in the text of article 6 to assure more precise definition of the area and to make a further amendment unnecessary when forces of the parties now specified in article VI as "occupation forces" cease to be occupation forces. The amendment will be effective when Turkey formally accedes to the treaty.

The protocol will enter into force, in accordance with article III thereof, when each of the parties to the North Atlantic Treaty has notified the United States of its acceptance of the protocol.

It is believed that the protocol transmitted herewith, providing for the inclusion of Greece and Turkey among the parties to the North Atlantic Treaty, will contribute materially to the development of the strength of the free world. It is hoped, therefore, that action of the United States with respect to the ratification of the protocol can be completed quickly in order to make it possible for Greece and Turkey to have a full partnership in the North Atlantic Treaty structure. Respectfully submitted,

DEAN ACHESON.

9. STATEMENT BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, JANUARY 15, 1952 2

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a privilege and a pleasure for me to appear before you today to request favorable action by the Senate on the protocol which provides that Greece and Turkey be invited to accede to the North Atlantic Treaty.

From the military viewpoint, it is impossible to overstate the importance of these two countries. The free nations which have joined together for mutual security would be strengthened considerably by their presence, and their presence would lend stability to an area which we consider to be extremely vital.

Greece and Turkey occupy strategic locations along one of the major east-west axes. They offer to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization large and capable military forces in being. Their territories are suitable for the conduct of defensive operations essential in the event of an aggression.

Turkey has a common boundary with Soviet Russia and her satellite state of Bulgaria. Greece is situated at the southern end of the Balkan Peninsula immediately adjacent to the satellite state 1 General of the Army Omar N. Bradley.

2 S. Exec. E, 82d Cong., 2d sess.

of Albania. Therefore, both occupy key positions in a sound Atlantic defense system.

Allied with the free nations, they would compel a diversion of the forces of Soviet Russia and her satellites in any aggressive move against the West.

Located as they are-and allied with the free nations-they serve as powerful deterrents to any aggression directed toward southern Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa.

The successful defense of those areas-any one or all of them-is dependent upon control of the Mediterranean Sea. Greece and Turkey block two avenues to the Mediterranean which an aggressor might endeavor to use should they decide upon a thrust there.

Greece, as the map will show, presents a barrier along the overland route from the Balkan States located to her north. Turkey, astride the Bosporus and Dardanelles, guards the approach by water from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean and to the Suez Canal and Egypt farther south.

Turkey, too, flanks the land routes from the North to the strategically important oil fields of the Middle East.

Evidence of the strategic importance of Greece and Turkey is to be found in the intensive efforts of international communism to bring Greece under Soviet domination, and in efforts of Russia, extending over almost 200 years, to gain control of the Turkish Straits.

Presently the southeastern flank of the forces under General Eisenhower is anchored in the central Mediterranean. Turkey and Greece occupy exposed and remote positions in the eastern Mediterranean. Integration of the forces of Greece and Turkey with those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization would eliminate this unfavorable situation, and this should be done as soon as possible.

The strength of Greece and Turkey lies mainly in ground forces. The naval and air forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization would contribute greatly to the security of these two nations and give military balance to the area. The mutual benefits which would be derived from this are in the spirit of the treaty's collective security principles.

Both nations have large and relatively well-trained and wellequipped military forces which would aid materially in strengthening the collective defense system created under the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. External pressures on Turkey have compelled it to maintain one of the largest armies of any country outside the sphere of Soviet influence. Greece and Turkey were the first countries to receive postwar military assistance from the United States in modernizing their forces and increasing their combat capabilities. Its continuation has been a large factor in the development of their combat effectiveness.

The fortitude of the Greeks and Turks is well established. They were among the first to respond when the United Nations issued its appeal for troops to resist the invaders of South Korea.

In Korea we have been afforded an opportunity to witness the Greek and Turkish troops in action. I respect their stanch, coura

geous, and effective cooperation and can say that their conduct on the field of battle has earned for them the respect of everyone serving in the armies of the United Nations.

Last September at Ottawa the North Atlantic Council recommended the inclusion of Greece and Turkey in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. At the same time it directed the military representatives of France, the United Kingdom, and the United States to discuss informally with Greece and Turkey the military problems which would arise through merging their forces with those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries.

These discussions have brought me into close association with the military spokesmen for Greece and Turkey. Our talks have been conducted in an atmosphere of sincerity and in a spirit of frankness reflecting the solid friendship which characterizes the relationship between those countries and the nations which are now partners under the treaty.

I am convinced of their strong anti-Communist feelings and their firm determination to resist aggression and maintain their independence. I am convinced, too, that they are fully aware of the obligations which nations under this treaty must accept.

In the spring of 1951, the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed that it was in our strategic interest that full membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization be accorded to Greece and Turkey. They would provide a bulwark for General Eisenhower's southeastern flank, and provide obstacles to overland approaches threatening the Mediterranean and Middle East. In October, while en route to Athens and Ankara, I discussed this with General Eisenhower in the presence of Field Marshal Slim,2 of the United Kingdom, and General Lécheres, of France. General Eisenhower expressed himself as being in wholehearted accord with the proposal to bring Greece and Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

I cannot recommend too strongly that it is in the best interests of the United States to augment the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's strength by the inclusion of these two countries.

10. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, JANUARY 15, 1952 4

It gives me great pleasure to appear before you today in support of the protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty which the President has submitted to the Senate for its advice and consent. This protocol provides that upon its entry into force, following its approval by all

1 See the Council's communiqué of Sept. 21, 1951; infra, pp. 1614-1616.
2 Field Marshal Sir William Slim, Chief of the British Imperial General Staff.
3 Gen. Charles Lécheres, Chief of Staff of the French Air Force.

4 S. Exec. E, 82d Cong., 2d sess.