網頁圖片
PDF
ePub 版

that of the entire membership of the organization" requires "adequate participation of both industrialized and developing countries in a future expansion of permanent members" (UNGA A/49/PV.29: 23). Any expansion which does not take developing countries into consideration will not be acceptable to many member states, including some of the permanent members.

Asia

As far as the Asian Group (26 percent of UN membership) is concerned, history dies hard. Many Asian countries have been reported in the Japanese press to support Japan's bid, but few have actually endorsed Japan in General Assembly speeches. The Japanese bid may be exploited for domestic political purposes in China and Korea. The fear of Japanese militarism was revived when Japan passed its PKO Law. A Chinese spokesperson said that the PKO Law "runs counter to the spirit of the Japanese Constitution" (Pickert: 79). The Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kwan Yew, said in a press conference that allowing the Japanese to participate in military operations was like giving chocolate liqueur to an alcoholic. Offering the most resistance to a militarily active Japan, the North Korean Central News Agency announced that the PKO Law "reflects Japan's wild ambitions to become a military power" (Pickert: 79).

Eastern Europe

The end of the Cold War and breakup of the Soviet Union have caused the Eastern European States, 20 members, to be a group not to be forgotten. The Ukraine is an unofficial candidate for a permanent seat by identifying the need for representation of countries with over 50 million people. Additionally, countries from Eastern Europe stipulate that any enlargement must take into account the interests of all regional groups (UNGA A/49/PV.31: 7). Efficiency Caveat

Any expansion of the Security Council must accommodate regional representation. Many countries point to the lack of permanent representation for Africa and Latin America, despite their sizable percentages of UN membership. However, there are also a significant number that feel any expansion should be limited, so as not to affect the Council's efficiency. This "efficiency caveat" was used by many of the permanent members in their written submission. Russia maintained that the UN "cannot afford a

potentially paralyzing major overhaul of machinery that not only is not broken but is actually functioning smoothly" (UNGA A/48/PV.64: 7). In the General Assembly the abundance of issues and interests means Security Council expansion will become additive politics. Each group will demand support for its interests in return for support for other groups. Japan and Germany with the NAM and each of the regional groups have enough influence to gain inclusion of their seat in the proposed amendment. When all the groups have satisfied each other, the amendment will certainly fail the test of efficiency.

RATIFICATION

An amendment to the Charter does not come into effect until the ratification phase is complete. Two-thirds of the UN membership, including the five permanent members, must ratify the amendment through their constitutional processes. Thus the legislatures of the permanent members have an effective veto over Council expansion.

China

In June 1994, President Jiang Zemin said that despite several changes in Japan's political scene, the cooperation between China and Japan is progressing (“Jiang Zemin”). However, China has not yet clarified its stance on the issue of a Japanese permanent seat. China was a victim of Japan's aggression and expansion before and during World War II. "Whether or not Japan earnestly recognizes its aggression against China during World War II will influence whether or not Japan can become a permanent member of the UN Security Council" ("Jiang Rejects"). The official view of the Chinese government is that the question of reforming the Council is complicated and requires sufficient broad-based exchanges of views among UN members before Japan's permanent council membership can be considered (“Spokesman"). Further, China states that

in any expansion of the Council, the principle of equitable geographical distribution should be observed and full consideration. should be given to the aspirations and interests of the developing countries, which account for the majority of the United Nations membership . . . Practices which might lead to the creation of any new imbalances should be avoided (UNGA A/49/PV.31).

[graphic][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][ocr errors][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][merged small][merged small]

In other words, there is an East Asian seat on the Security Council and China is sitting in it.

The issue of Council reform may be used by China as a way to avoid giving Japan a seat. Additionally, China feels that the wealth of a country should not be the sole condition taken into consideration, and that the principle of fair regional distribution, and the principle of unanimity in consultation should be fully honored in approaching this issue. China reserves the right to make a formal decision regarding changes to the Council until other nations' positions have been surveyed. China hints at support for expansion by giving all members a veto. China may favor a unanimity rule. Thus China, by supporting only fundamental reform and membership for a broad spectrum of Non-Aligned Movement members, supports only reforms which would be unacceptable to the other four permanent members. It is unlikely China will support Japan.

France

When the issue of Council reform was first placed on the agenda, France took a very conservative position. In a response to the resolution on Security Council expansion, France argued that "the Council's effectiveness” is “bound up with the fact that it has a limited number of members, which permits it to achieve compromise and reach decisions reflecting as often as not a consensus agreement within the United Nations as a whole" (UNGA A/48/264: 41). However, France seemed to become more flexible in 1994 when it endorsed Germany and Japan as permanent members "with all the prerogatives and obligations of the present permanent members" (UNGA A/49/PV.30: 17). However, France, like China, has concerns about representation for developing countries and is particularly supportive of its former colonies in Francophile Africa: “An increase in the representation of the more advanced countries must not create an imbalance that operates to the detriment of the developing world. This means that if Japan and Germany were to join the Security Council as permanent members, a seat should be given to the developing countries to preserve a desirable balance" (UNGA A/49/PV.30: 17). France endorses a Security Council membership of 20 and immediate re-election of non-permanent members. Russia

Like China, Russia has not stated a clear position concerning Japan's bid. Russia reiterated the permanent members' catch phrase that "the most important condition for any steps that might be taken must be the strengthening of the Security Council's newly acquired energy and operational effectiveness" (UNGA A/48/264: 82). Indeed, Russia has advocated a limited expansion of up to 20 seats while maintaining the status of the present permanent members (UNGA A/49/PV.31: 10). Russia has taken the position that when expanding the UN Security Council "the principles on which this should be done ought to be determined first, and only then should specific candidates be discussed" ("Panov Views").

Although Japanese press reports Moscow's support for Japan's campaign to become a permanent member, this has not been confirmed by Russia's official statements ("Official"). Although Russia says it does not link this issue to the signing of a peace treaty with Japan, the two issues may, in fact, be very closely related ("Panov: Moscow"). Russia's vote may be very expensive.

[graphic][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][ocr errors][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][ocr errors][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][merged small][merged small][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][ocr errors][merged small]

The UK's initial reaction to expansion was similar to that of France and Russia. While welcoming debate, the UK cautioned against "precipitate action" that "might diminish the Council's effectiveness" and emphasized the need for "a Council which remains able to respond rapidly and effectively" (UNGA A/48/264: 90-91). Like France, the UK relaxed its view, stating "if consensus can be reached certain countries, by virtue of their global interests and their contribution to international security and to United Nations operations, should be invited to accept the responsibilities

« 上一頁繼續 »