THE SICK MAN AND HIS PROSPECTS.

If anything in this sublunary world could console us for a war and its concomitant nuisances among them a doubled income-tax, and the loaf at war prices-it would assuredly be the wonderful increase of knowledge the nation at large has acquired in matters geographical and ethnological, The old adage which states that "when house and lands and fortune's spent, then learning is most excellent," appears in a very fair way of being verified in a most unpalatable manner, and on taking stock, we discover that the offset we possess consists of a perfect knowledge of the present condition of Gamla Carleby, Eupatoria, Petropaulovski, and other such towns, which had hitherto been only known to the venerable members of the Geographical Society (though we incline to the opinion that some of them have been considerably puzzled at answering the queries of their olive-branches), and those ingenious gentlemen to whom is entrusted the compilation of gazeteers and other-valuable, perhaps, though a trifle ponderous-works of that genus. Now-a-days, however, nous avons changé tout cela: the unwashed artisan, imbibing his matutinal pint, talks glibly enough of Bashi-Bazouks, can draw the distinction between the two kinds of Zouaves, and heartily detests Aberdeen and all those potterers who have imperilled the finest army that ever left our shores, by unmanly truckling to an unbearded despot, and a Clicquot-bibbing pietist.

But among all the countries about whose manners and customs we have been enlightened, there is none of whose actual condition we are less capable of fairly judging than of Turkey; and that, too, not from the paucity of our literature on that topic, but rather from the change which has taken place in public opinion during the last twenty years. At the time of the Greek revolution, publishers found it pay to bring out books fiercely abusing the Osmanli, as a species of moral whitewash for the Greeks-and hence the Macfarlanes, Maddens, Walshes, and a host of “auteurs inconnus de livres inconnus" (to quote a clever mot of Jules Janin) rushed into print to blacken the character of a race of men who, whatever their faults might be, were immeasurably superior to their opponents in every moral point of view.

After the storm generally comes a calm. The Eastern affair was botched up-only to break out in a fresh place, after a few years' more wear-and matters relating to the East became a "drug" in the literary world. Exceptions occurred, it is true, in the instances of David Urqu hart, who had the manliness to avow that he saw much that was good among the Osmanli; and in Mr. White, whose "Three Years in Constantinople" gave a most interesting account of a very extraordinary nation. But, generally speaking, the Turks were left to enjoy their kief and stroke their beards, without the English reading public caring aught about them.

The hour and the man at length arrived, when the true character of the Turks was to be recognised, and M. Ubicini stepped into the lists, prepared to do doughty battle with his pen against all comers who dared to traduce the Osmanli. He collected a mass of information on every possible subject of interest relating to the condition of the Turks, and

he really made out a very favourable case on behalf of his protegés. But, unfortunately, he possessed the inherent fault of all Frenchmen: he allowed his feelings to overcome his judgment, and he was blind to all that in any way thwarted his favourite theories. Still, taking it on the whole, Ubicini's two volumes were the best that had appeared on the subject, and remained so until Sir George Larpent produced his "Turkey, its History and Progress," which, while serving to correct Ubicini, also brought forward a multitude of new facts, and enabled us to judge more fully of the true value of modern Turkish reform, by a comparison of the present with the past, as described in the pages of Sir James Porter's work on the Turkey of the last century. Taking it as a whole, we may fairly say that Sir George has exhausted the subject in his work, and those who wish for veritable information cannot do better than consult it. In the following pages it is our purpose to bring before the reader, in as concise a form as possible, a résumé of the progress made by Turkey during the reign of Abd-ul-Medjid; and for convenience, it may be assumed that such information is derived from Ubicini and Larpent.

At the period when the present Sultan ascended the throne Turkey was in a most hazardous condition: a species of fatality had appeared to follow Mahmud in all his undertakings: the Turkish army had been defeated at Nizib, and the Admiral Fevzi Pacha had placed the whole naval force of Turkey at the disposal of the Egyptian viceroy. Fortunately for the young monarch, he possessed in Reschid Pacha a guide, philosopher, and friend, who was the originator of the Tanzimat, which is fairly described as "an organic law of tolerance, personal freedom, and security." To the same statesman Turkey also owes "the abolition of mercantile monopolies, the establishment of sanitary regulations, the submission of the provinces, the concentration of political power, the advantageous stipulations of 1840 with the great cabinets of Europe, and the commercial treaties which have been concluded with most of the foreign states." The proclamation of the Tanzimat took place on the 3rd November, 1839. Numerous tents were raised in the gardens of the imperial palace of Topkapu, known by the name of Gülhanie, and crowds of high dignitaries-among them the patriarchs of the Greek and Armenian Churches, the chief rabbi of the Jews, and the heads of the Ulema-were present at the perusal of this important document, which emanated from the imperial will, and laid the foundation of the new constitution of Turkey. For convenience, we may divide the objects of the Tanzimat into four distinct parts: the government or councils of the Ottoman Empire-the administration-the judicial offices-and the military appointments. These we will proceed to examine in detail.

The

The government of Turkey is formally an absolute monarchy, but in reality is restricted not only by the institutions and conditions of the sovereignty, but also by the manners of the people, which here, more than in any other country, modify and limit it to a certain extent. Sultan is the representative and depositary of the law, having the sole charge of its execution: he can even make modifications in certain parts, provided that he does not alter its essential and fundamental character. His decrees are called hatti-sheriffs, or hatti-humaïoun, or simply hat. The Sultan exercises his double authority in the legislature and the executive either directly or by means of two eminent persons, who form, as it were,

the keystone of the Turkish government: these are the Sadri-azam, or Grand Vizir, and the Mufti, or Sheikh-ul-Islam. These persons, with the ministers of state and several high functionaries holding ministerial rank, form the privy council. The privy council meets twice a week, in ordinary cases, under the presidency of the Grand Vizir, and deliberates on the measures of general interest, principally those which have reference to foreign policy. Sometimes, in consequence of the urgency and gravity of the case, the Grand Vizir and ministers form themselves into a separate secret council, in order to accelerate the action of the executive. But it is very rare for the day or place of these conferences to be known beforehand: the Sultan is present at them, and they are always kept most secret. To each of the different ministerial departments, with the exception of foreign affairs, permanent councils are attached, which discuss propositions and prepare the projects of amelioration. They are ten in number, and the chief of them, instituted in 1840, is known by the name of the council of state and of justice, or the supreme council.

With reference to the financial and administrative department, the Ottoman Empire is divided into thirty-six general governments, of which Turkey in Europe contains fifteen Eyalets, Asia eighteen, and Africa three. At the head of each Eyalet there is a governor-general, the supreme head of the administration, whose powers are very extensive. The Eyalets are sub-divided into Livas, each of which is governed by a Kaimakam, who, with the members of the civil tribunal, performs the magisterial duties of the province, and presides over the collectors of the taxes. Each Liva is composed of several Cazas, governed by Mudirs, assisted by a council of notables, and directing the financial administrative department of their district.

As regards the administration of justice, Turkey is divided into a supreme court of justice and appeal, forming two presidencies or chambers, one for Europe and one for Asia, which decide in the last instance. At the head of the former is the Cazi-asker (literally judge of the army) of Roumelia, assisted by the grand honorary judges, or assessors, who hold the presidency in turn for the period of a year. At the head of the second presidency is the Cazi-asker of Anatolia, whose tribunal is also composed of ten assessors. The two Cazi-askers are the chiefs of the magistracy, and, under the sanction of the Sheikh-ul-Islam, appoint to all the offices vacant in their respective departments. Secondly come the twenty-four Mevleviets, or grand judicial councils, at the head of each of which is a Mullah (chief judge), and containing a certain number of Cazas, or ordinary tribunals.

With respect to the military appointments, Turkey is divided into six camps, or corps d'armée (ordu), each composed of two divisions and six brigades (not including the reserve), spread over ten garrison districts. Each brigade is commanded by a general of brigade (Liva)-each division by a general of division (Ferik). The entire order is under the command of a field-marshal (Muchir).

The ecclesiastical government of Turkey is very closely connected with the judicial; for the Koran contains all the regulations referring to the religious and social life of the Mussulmans. As the source of all justice, and principle of every duty, it is the guide and constant object of study

for the Faithful, the only rule they consult almost hourly. Unfortunately, this rule is not always intelligible. Omissions and contradictions are found in the Koran: to remedy and explain which there is a body of men, known by the name of the Ulema, or learned, to distinguish them from the great mass of the people, who, at the time of their establishment, was still grossly ignorant. They were originally men of great simplicity of mind, who had embraced science through a sincere love for it; and who, through the extent of their learning and the purity of their lives, acquired great authority among the Faithful, who gradually grew into the habit of consulting the Ulema in every doubtful circumstance of life. This interference, by degrees, extended from purely religious acts to the different relations of civil life, as the religious and judicial codes were identical, and they soon commenced playing an important part in the state. The power they acquired was confirmed to them by the Chalifis formally entrusting in their hands the sacerdotal and judicial functions. The Ulema now contains three classes of functionaries: the administrators of justice, known by the generic name of Cadis; the doctors of interpreters of the law, called Muftis; and the religious ministers, or Imams. "It is easy to understand," says Sir G. Larpent, "that a body endowed with this powerful organisation, is by nature opposed to all ideas of reform, which would be the utter ruin of its power. Whenever the Tanzimat is thoroughly carried into effect, the monopoly will be destroyed which the Ulema now possess of the judicial functions. In all probability, too, the Vakufs will follow the general law of change, and then the Ulema will have to look to the state for their salary. Such is the real issue of the question with the Ulema. They are aware of it, and do all within their power to retain the authority they feel slipping from their grasp. The struggle at the present day is between the government, which takes the initiative in the reforms, and the Ulema, who desire the maintenance of the old state of things. Let us hope that the former will emerge victorious from the struggle; for, if such is the case, the regeneration of Turkey will progress with gigantic strides."

Islamism, again, has been frequently represented as opposed to the diffusion of light, and the Ottoman race in particular as devoted to systematic ignorance: two assertions equally devoid of foundation. true the Turks are ignorant of what our children learn at school-general history, geography, the natural sciences, &c.; but for all that they possess a system of instruction, and most assuredly employ in study more time than even ourselves apply to it. If their knowledge is not extensive, it is because they conceive that there is nothing superior to the Koran; but in every district there is a school, which the children attend for a longer or a shorter period, according to the position of their family. The number of those able to read is considerable; but the elements of reading in Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, are incomparably greater than is the case with European languages. It is the same with writing, which is divided into a multitude of branches, according as it concerns the transcription of the Koran, judicial acts, and commercial registers. Education has existed in the Turkish Empire since its earliest establishment: but the manner in which it was understood and generally practised caused some grave disadvantages, of which the government undertook the removal in 1845, at which period the firman was promulgated decreeing the formation of an Ottoman University, and entirely

reorganising the system of public instruction. There are now several colleges established by the government in Constantinople, on European models, and all boasting of a greater or less degree of success: the professorships are chiefly held by Turks, who have acquired their education in Europe. There is also an Academy of Science and the Belles Lettres, for the purpose of improving the literature and language, and promoting public instruction in Turkey, by the publication or translation of works suited to raise the standard of education, But although this academy contains among its members all the distinguished men of the empire, not only in politics but in science, Ubicini is obliged to confess that it has as yet effected nothing, except the "Ottoman Grammar" of Fuad Effendi, of which M. Blanqui has given an account in the Asiatic Journal.

From education to literature is only a step, and we will here take a hasty glance at the public libraries of Constantinople and their principal contents. The reform party were not contented with the reorganisation of the schools; they also increased the number of the libraries, gave a new impulse to the printing establishments, instituted a periodical press, and they developed in the nation an intellectual movement which has already exercised a marked influence on the Ottoman character, and disposes it to receive the impress of the ideas and spirit of the West. Constantinople contains at the present moment forty public libraries (Kitab-Khanès). They are generally situated in the imperial mosques, of which they are considered necessary appendages, in the same way as the medresses for the instruction of youth, and the immarets for the relief of the poor and weak. The establishment of these libraries dates from the earliest years of the conquest. Muhammad II. collected a large number of works from Brusa, Adrianople, Damascus, and other cities, to form the libraries attached to Eyab and Aya Sophia, and to the mosque erected by himself.

In addition to the older works of history and biography to be found in these libraries, they also contain those which have appeared since the introduction of the printing-press into the Ottoman Empire in the year 1727, and amounting to the magnificent total of ninety-eight. One of the most curious of these was a work by Chani Zadè, called the "Mirror of the Soul in the Anatomy of the Members," and which appeared. accompanied by plates representing the body and its various parts. This was in direct contradiction to the Koran; but Sultan Mahmud was obstinate, and not only permitted the publication, but even allowed it to appear at the imperial press.

Journalism in Turkey owes its origin to a Frenchman, M. Alexandre Blacque, who went to Smyrna in 1825, where he established Le Spectateur de l'Orient. This paper was afterwards christened Le Courrier de Smyrne, and under this new title exercised a marked influence on the events which signalised the close of the Greek insurrection, from 1825 to 1828. When the whole of the European press was applauding the recent declaration of independence, and preaching the crusade against the Turks, the Courrier de Smyrne alone constantly defended the rights and interests of the Porte, and by the violent opposition it afforded to the Greek ministry, contributed in no slight degree to the overthrow of Capo d'Istrias. In 1831, M. Blacque was summoned to Constantinople by Sultan Mahmud, where he started the Moniteur Ottoman, the official