merce.

friends would enter into my fcheme, I should be the more fure of bringing the king to a thoro' good liking of their business. But I will not venture to convey any thing of this to his majefty, otherwife than by word of mouth. It is fatisfaction enough to me to know originally, that I am in no danger of giving offence to Sweden by the part I take upon me to act in this affair. The fancy of the pretender's retiring to Stockholm surprises me: It would be blazing abroad our fecret intelligence by found of trumpet.'

On the of November, 1716, baron Gortz wrote from the Hague the following letter to count Gyllenburg: I told you in my letter of Friday, that I deferred answering yours of the 13th, which I am now going to do. You fay, Sir, that, as to the affair you are preffed about, it would be neceffary to go roundly to work with the principals. I am intirely of the fame opinion. The bufinefs then is to speak plainly. I believe, Sir, it will be thought a fufficient proof of our frankness, to declare, as you may do, that nothing is more natural, nor more sweet, than to revenge an affront one has received; but that, in point of prudence, it ought to be maturely confidered, whether the paffion of revenge can produce the defired effect. If your people do but make the leaft reflection upon this rule, they will undoubtedly perceive, that it is intirely their bufinefs

We..

to make the fuccefs of the enterprife, which they defire, appear probable to us. After that it will be likewife proper, that they should help us in fettling the neceffary points, that is, that they should affift us with money. As I run no rifque with you, Sir, I make no fcruple of telling you in confidence, that the bufinefs in hand has for fome time been part of my correfpondence with ambassador Sparre.

1716-17.

The principal members of the prefent court of Avignon offer on part of their master 60,000l. fterling, to engage the king's af-fection. I remonftrated thereupon, that the delicacy of the conjuncture ought to caution us against clofing too hastily with this offer; but that I propofed to treat upon the foot of a common loan; and that in that case, being furnished with the king's full power to negotiate money for his majesty's fervice, I might accept it, giving them affurances on the king's part for repayment, that, if at the fame time they would communicate to me a plan of the principal affair, I would not fail to fend it to the king; and that, in case his majefty fhould be unwilling to enter into the defign in queftion, he would at leaft pique himself upon taking care, that the fum, which I fhould have borrowed in his name, fhould be punctually discharged; fo that the lenders would run no rifque of their money, but that, on the contrary, they would have put it out to a good advantage, and that,

in fhort, the offer being made upon the foot beforementioned, without ftipulating any other conditions than being reimburfed, the king might be more effectually wrought upon by that mark of their good will, than by directly folliciting the fuccours they defire. I added to all thefe intimations, that, in cafe the king relished the project of a revolution to be brought about in England, it might perhaps do better to give this enterprise the turn of its being intended to revenge the unworthy proceedings of the king of England, and to maintain the English liberties. You have herewith, Sir, the copy of a pecuniary contract, which I have juft now fettled with fome private perfons in this country. You will find by it, that there is a confiderable advantage to be made, which it was neceflary to allow to ftrangers, fince no body in Sweden had courage enough for it. If your people had a mind to engage in it abftractedly from the grand affair, I would admit them forthwith as far as the fum of three hundred thousand crowns. The king's printed patent, whereof you have herewith a copy, fufficiently fecures every individual perfon from all frauds with regard to the States bonds, upon which the money is advanced.

But they must determine fpeedily, or lay afide all hopes, as I have just now observed to ambaffador Sparre, in a poftfcript, which I communicate to you.

be

If the thing be taken upon the foot beforementioned, it may go on; but otherwife nothing can be done. In a word, we muft have money, and, after that, we muft know what they are in a condition to do in England, and what part they expect the king should take, to put this design into motion, and to fup port it.'

In anfwer to baron Gortz, count Gyllenburg wrote to him the following very remarkable letter, dated at London, Decemb. 4, 1716: As foon as I had received your excelleucy's letter of the 23d past, I went to one of the principals at his own house, with whom I have had a long and intimate friendship. I fhewed him your excellency's letter, which I inforced the best I could. Whereupon he asked me, Whether I had spoke of it to any one of his party? And, I telling him I had not, he defired me, for the love of God, not to do it. We were made to believe from Avignon, said he, that all went on currently: That baron Gortz had accepted our offer, and had given pofitive affurances on the part of the king of Sweden, of his affiftance. We have been pressed on the affair of the money, and to form a fcheme; and we have actually applied ourfelves to both the one and the other. In the midst of all this, here are three pofts arrived from Avignon, and no farther figns are fhewn of fo much hate. This change has very much perplexed us, we not knowing to what to impute it,

un

unlefs to the prin ce's indifpofition. But all is now become clear. They were too fure of their point at Avignon; they reckoned immediately on the affiftance of the king of Sweden; and now they are afraid, on one hand, of damping our courage, by owning frankly, that they had deceived themfelves; and, on the other, they dare not, upon an uncertainty, engage to fupply them with money, being fenfible, it is the laft that we fhall give them, if we should find it employed to any other purpose than we defigned; and without direct affurances first given of our having the fuccours we need. You fee, therefore, (continued he) of what confequence it is, if you wish us well, that you do not make known, to any perfon, what I fee our Court of Avignon conceals with fo much care. If you act otherwife, you will destroy the credit of the chevalier de St. George here, which perhaps will be of neceffary ufe to you, and you will make his adherents your implacable enemies; for, if their defign fail, they will be regardlefs, whether Sweden perishes or not; and yet you know, that it is they, who have hitherto defended your caufe, as well in the country, as in the parliament of England, and who have obliged your enemies to act with more caution and referve, than they would otherwile have done. You will ftill have occafion for their affistance in the next feffion of the parliament of EngV. L. XIX.

ror

land, which your enemies are preparing to incenfe terribly a gainst you, as well by pamphlets, which are already actually in the prefs, as by petitions of the merchants, who have loft their fhips, and who now meet twice a week to confult. Now (faid he) to return to baron Gortz's letter, give me leave to tell you freely, that, if the queftion was explicitly and fimply, Whether we should affift the king of Sweden, and we confented, it might then be worth while to afk, Whet fecurity we required, and what gain we infifted on? But that is not the cafe at present, nor ever will be. For I must own to you ingenuously, that there are very few amongst us, who have any concern for the interests of foreign princes, any longer than while they affect our own, and that even very palpably: 'Manus noftræ oculatæ funt ; cre dunt quod vident: Our eyes are in our hands; what they fee we believe.' So that for you to flatter yourselves, that, out of respect or friendship, we fhould part with our money to any whatsoever, would be to know nothing of us. You can never alter our minds on that article; fo you muft just take us as we are. As for gain, Can we hope for greater in any country, than what we have at home, without rifquing our money Do not we make feven or eight per cent by the public funds; and this upon the fecurity of the parliament of England, and are E

?

paid

country.

paid punctually every quarter? That, this question being utter ly unfeafonable, it is neceffary to form another; and let that be, Whether we are willing, by a pecuniary fubfidy, to merit the affiftance of the king of Sweden? To that I anfwer roundly, Let us but be affured on the part of his majefty, upon whofe bare promife we will rely, more than on all the fecurities and engagements of others: I fay, let us only be affured, that by our money we shall merit his help, and actually have it. After this, let us but know what you would have us to do, and we will make fuch efforts, that his majesty fhall not repent of giving his royal word to affift us. But, Sir, (added he) What muft we think, when, after a negotiation of three months or more, we are yet in uncertainty upon what ought to be the chief fpring of all our undertakings, and ale to merit by our money, not the help we aik, bat barely an aniwer, whether we fhall ob tain it or not? How can we run into expence, expore our fileads, and, in thort, endanger our fortunes and lives, when perhaps his maje ly's refil may hop us fort; lubject, among other things, to the fear of being betrayed by those, who, feting the ill faccets of our projects, and that there is nothing to be hoped for more on o ile, may endeavour to mike ter Stone, by driving in with our excaxes ind during as ?

We

Let us examine all this, and yourself will acknowledge, we should hazard too much in following thofe, who leave us in fuch uncertainty. But, on the other hand, what does the king of Sweden rifque ? Is not our government his enemies in every respect; and will it not affift them more this enfuing year? What can be faid against him, if, after the example of Scipio, he carries the war into their country, who have been defirous, and are still fo, to carry it into his? This diversion will be fo much the greater, as it will be unexpected; and there is the more reafon to hope for fuccefs, because the whole country is difaffected. It is also probable, that half the army will be disbanded by the parliament of England; and it is certain great part of that army will de fert on the approach of a fufficiant body of troops.

But fuppose this enterprize fhould not fucceed, would this government be more bent upon the intre ruin of the king of Sweden than it was before? And, when King George's defire to have the country of Bremen is fitted, will car government be leis &lititous by what means to prevent the czar's aggrandis ng himal? Let me beg you a he) to represent all this to baron Gortz; and I an fire he will change his opinion : and that he will not let Lip, by chairing, an oppor Panty & bened the the

of Sweden, and fo glorious for himself. Tell him likewife, if you please, that there is no thing more proper than what he demands as to a fcheme; and the means of fupporting the afBut he must give us the encouragement to fee, that we are not labouring in vain, and running all hazards without any fair profpect. One pofitive affurance given at Avignon will put all in motion; but, without that, all will flag. As to the colour, which the king of Sweden may put upon his enterprize, I fhall always have that opinion (faid he) which baron Gortz himself would have me entertain of his scheme, namely, that the king of Sweden intends fincerely to restore the chevalier, But I am much afraid, that the reft of my party will take this affair in quite another light; that is to fay, that they will imagine, his Swedish majefty, having not given any promife to our chevalier, nor declared for him, will make no other ufe of this enterprize, than only to compafs his own defigns, exclufive of the chevalier, and to oblige king George to come to better terms. But in this he will find himself deceived; for, the greatest part of the nation being at prefent inflamed with Jacobitifm, and fet a longing for the return of him, whom they believe their lawful fovereign, they will not join any perfon, who does not declare openly for him; on the con

When

trary, perceiving it is only a foreign quarrel, which draws the king of Sweden hither, vexed to fee their expectations fruftrated, and not knowing how far his majesty's refentments may go, and who will be expofed to his vengeance, or who be exempt from it, they will fall into the common humour of the nation, which is to unite all, notwithstanding their past feuds, againit a foreign power.

This is fo true (continued he) that if the chevalier de St. George had not an English father, and been born in England, all his pretenfions would avail him nothing with the common people; who, when the conteft fhall be only between foreigner and foreigner, will certainly declare for him in poffeffion, without much regard to the juftice of the cause.

For what remains (added he) I intirely agree, that the maintaining of the Church of England ought to be one topic in the king of Sweden's manifefto. This is the more neceffary, becaufe it would ferve to fettle the minds of fuch as are difturbed about the chevalier's religion. His majefty likewife would act in his known character, which is to be, on all occafions, follicitous for the welfare of the Proteftant religion.

This Sir, is what was moft material in my converfation with my friend, who, I affure your excellency, is a man of folid judgment, and fo well in

formed