4

Geo. I. king Charles I. had given up his prerogative of diffolving par1716. ljaments in 1640, he gave himself up into the hands of traytors, and had nothing but deftruction to expect from them. That, after the restoration, king Charles II, that very good prince, found the inconvenience of a long parliament. That, as foon as the nation had opportunity, by the revolution, to affert their juft rights and liberties, the Triennial Act was infifted on, and gained, at last, with a great deal of oppofition. That there were very good and cogent reasons for making a law to fupport the conftitution, and prevent incroachments, either of parliaments on the crown, or of the crown on the rights and liberties of the people; and to correct abufes and exorbitances committed through the ambition and avarice of minifters. That he would not be thought to reflect on the prefent adminiftration; but that, in his opinion, frequent elections were a neceflary right of the fubject to remedy abufes. That, for his own part, he had ever been against the bill for limiting the number of officers in the house of commons: But, if the Triennial Act were repealed, he thought that bill would become very neceflary, because the long fitting of parliaments would give the crown both an opportunity and temptation to multiply the number of officers. That fome reflections had been caft on the last parliament: But that, in his opinion, that parliament was chofen by the fame method as the prefent was, by great expences. That he owned this to be a great abuse; but that laws might be made to rectify the fame. That, if this bill paffed, how could any member of the other house expect to preferve his intereft with those who chose him, when this bill would certainly be interpreted both a violation of their right, and a breach of the truft repofed in him? That, if this house of commons continued themselves beyond the time, for which they were chofen, they were no more the reprefentatives of the people, but a house of their own making, That he was forry there were difcontents in the country; but he apprehended that this bill would rather increase than abate them. He owned, that the majority of this houfe of commons were honeft gentlemen, who had the interest of their king and country at heart; but that, in his opinion, thofe, who went before them, did not come fhort of them in point of duty and affection to his majefty; for it was they who eftablished the king on his throne, and fettled his revenue with all chearfulnefs imaginable. That what he had fuggefted, flowed from the dread of the ill confequences of this bill, which might rife to fuch an height, as to ren

der

der the crown_uneafy to his majefty. That he owed fo
much to the Proteftant fucceffion, that, if he could believe
this bill to be of any fervice to the king and royal family, he
would be intirely for it; but, as he was of a contrary opi-
nion, he would not have a bill, obtained in the best of
reigns, repealed in the first year of this Proteftant reign. And
therefore he was against the committing of this bill. Lord
Carteret, who spoke next, owned, That frequent parlia-
ments are a great fecurity of the people's rights and liber-
ties; but he obferved, that this bill was not against frequent
feffions, but only against frequent elections.
That they
ought maturely to weigh and confider what was fuggefted in
the preamble of the bill, That there is a restless Popish

faction defigning and endeavouring to renew the rebellion within this kingdom.' That, of all rebellions, this laft was the most monftrous and unnatural; for all other rebellions were carried on under pretences of liberty, whereas this laft was a rebellion for flavery. That, as to our allies abroad, though he could not fay, that they expected this bill, yet it was reasonable to fuppofe, that they would be glad to fee it pass into a law; for, having found, by fad experience, that great changes may be made in the best concerted measures by different parliaments, inflamed by dif ferent ministries; fo, if they had not fome fecurity for the treaties his majefty was now entering into with them, a ftrong tide might come upon a new election, that might overturn all. That, in fhort, this bill would fix the king, and the present happy establishment, on a lafting foundation; and therefore he was for committing it.' The earl of Cholmondley faid, That he made no doubt, but the legislature is vefted with a fupreme power to rectify any inconveniencies, to which any former law may, by experience, be found to be fubject; and, this being the cafe of the Triennial Act, they ought to remedy the fame. That what had been fuggefted, in relation to the long parliament in king Charles the fecond's reign, was, in his opinion, rather an argument for, than against the bill. For though, in that parliament, the king had many penfioners, who, at firft, complimented him with money, yet at laft, when the intereft of the nation came to be at stake, they voted for a war with France, and profecuted the Popish plot with the utmoft vigour. That they had lately feen what a corrupt parliament may do, and by what means fuch a parliament may be got: And every one might guess how there came to be a debt of 500,000Í. upon the civil lift. That he did not mention this to irritate

againft

Geo. I.

1716.

Geo. I. against persons, but against things. That, in his opinion, 1716. there was no better remedy against corruptions, than the fup

preffing frequent elections. That he thought this bill the more neceffary, because our allies will thereby have a secutity, that they fhall not again be left in the lurch. And, in confideration of the great benefits, that will accrue from it both at home and abroad, he was for the committing it. Lord Foley made a long fpeech, in which he enlarged upon the excellency of our conftitution; took notice, that the different branches of the legiflature are a check to one another, which prevents exorbitancies in the administration, and dragooning, as in Turkey and other arbitrary governments; fuggefted, that the penfionary parliament made king Charles II. uneafy, by making him neglect the affections of his people; and concluded, that he was afraid, that the repealing the Triennial Act would have the fame effect, and therefore he was against it.'

The duke of Newcastle anfwered,That it had already been rightly obferved, that, though the long parliament of king Charles II. at firft complimented that prince, yet they afterwards vigoroufly oppofed deftructive measures, and infifted on a war with France.' Then paffing over lefs material objections, which had been fully refuted, he urged, That the prefent happy fettlement could not be maintained without taking away the feeds of corruption. That no caufe ever mifcarried in fo many inftances as that of the rebels. But, notwithstanding their defeat at Prefton and Dumblain, their being driven out of Scotland, with their king at their head, their difappointments in other parts, and the execution of fome of their leaders, the Jacobites were as infolent as ever. That this was the reafon why, in a late debate in this houfe, he was against lenity; and the rather, because no prince was ever more naturally inclined to mercy than his prefent majetty; for no prince ever had fo many rebels in his power, and never were fo few punished. My lords (added he) you must now ftrengthen yourfelves, and difarm your enemies. It is not to be doubted, but the late unnatural and monftrous rebellion was raifed and fomented by large contributions of a reflefs Popifh faction. The fame means, my lords, will be used to renew the rebellion as foon as a proper opportunity offers. Their emiffaries are bufy everywhere to keep up the fpirits of the people for a year longer, and then they hope to retrieve all by a new election." He concluded, That, though the allies would not make any thing done among us an article of their treaties, yet, having

the

the fad experience of being left in the lurch, they would cer- Geo.I. tainly enter into alliances with us with more confidence, if 1716. they faw, that our government was not precarious.' Uponall which confiderations he was for the bill (c).

(c) After feveral other fpeeches, the earl of Nottingham, having made large profeffions of duty and affection to the king, faid, That he was against this bill, because he thought it would rather exafperate than quiet the minds of the people. That this bill fhewed a diftruft of the affections of the people, and an intention of governing by fear, which, in his opinion, was the worft way of government: And God forbid his majefty fhould have no profpect of gaining the affections of his fubjects. That the king came in univerfally beloved, and was received with general acclamations of his people; and, though he could not affign the true caufe of the prefent diffafisfaction, yet fome fecret caufe muft have been given for it. That he hoped the people's diffatisfaction was not fo great, as it was reprefented. That the rebellion was intirely fuppreffed, and at an end; but, if any ferment yet remained, this bill was a very improper way to allay it, and would rather rivet the difaffected in their prejudices against the government, than make them change their opinion. That one of the arguments urged for this bill was that it would encourage foreign princes and ftates to enter into alliances with us; but that, in his opinion, the fame might have a contrary effect. For fo. reign potentates may be deter

The

red from entering into measures
with us, when they fhall be in-
formed, by the preamble to this
bill, that the Popish faction is fo
dangerous, as that it may be
deftructive to the peace and fe-
curity of the government; and
may apprehend, from this bill,
that the government is fo weak,
as to want fo extraordinary a
provifion for its fafety; which
feems to imply, that the gentle-
men of Great Britain are not to
be trufted iu a new election,
and that the good affections of
the people are reftrained to fo
fmall a number as that, of
which the prefent houfe of
commons confifts. That fre
quent and new parliaments are
required by the fundamental
conftitution of the kingdom;
and that the practice thereof,
for many ages, was fufficient
evidence of this conftitution.
That this bill was fo far from
preventing corruptions, that is
would rather increase them;
for, the longer a parliament is
to laft, the more valuable to be
purchased is a station in it, and
the greater alfo is the danger of
corrupting the members of it.
That, whatever reasons there
may be to continue this parlia
ment for feven years, they will
be at least as ftrong, and, by
the conduct of the ministry,
may be made much stronger,
before the end of feven years,
continuing it ftill longer, and
even to perpetuate it, which
would be an abfolute fubverfion

of

Geo. I.

The duke of Shrewsbury spoke with fome vehemence 1716. against the bill; after which the lord Parker inlarged on the conftitution with relation to the calling, election, fitting, and prolonging of parliaments. He was followed by the.

of the third eftate of this realm.' But what was moft taken no-, tice of in his lordship's fpeech, was, that, in order to fhew the danger of inlarging the preroga. tive, he inftanced, in the precedent of king Henry VIII, who perfuaded his parliament to give him the abbey-lands, under pretence, that they would bear part of his expences, which would ease them of taxes, and improve trade; but that, foon after, he demanded and obtained great subsidies, and made ufe of those lands to inflave the nation.

The duke of Argyle answered, among other particulars: That he could by no means agree with the noble lord that spoke laft, either as to the beginning or end of the rebelliou. That it had been fuggefted, that the king had been received with the general acclamations of his people; but that it was certain, and has fince manifefly appeared. that, whatever arts were ufed by the laft miniftry to blind and deceive the people, defigns had been laid to bring in the pretender, long before the king's happy acceffion to the throne. That the difappointment of thefe defigns was intirely owing to Providence; for, had the confpirators thrown off the mask fooner, and improved the ferment their emiffaries had raifed in the nation, at the election of the last parliament, it is very probable their wicked fchemes for fetting afide the Proteftant fucceffion had taken

place. That he wondered therefore, that his lordship could be puzzled to find out the caufe of the prefent difaffection, for, it was plain, it proceed from the falfe reprefentations of things and perfons, that were induftriously spread abroad, both before and fince his majefty's coming in.' As to what has been fuggefted, that the rebellion was at an end, his grace obferved, That the rebels had only shifted their head-quarters from Perth to Paris, or St. Germain's; but that their emiffaries were ftill as bufy and infolent as ever in Great Britain, and wanted only an opportunity to renew the rebellion, and favour an invafion.' As to what had been hinted, that this bill would rivet the Jacobites in their opinion, he faid, • That was no good argument against it, for he had feen fome perfons shift fides often, and change their opinions, and be very zealous for both."

The earl of Nottingham, taking this reflection to himself, readily owned, That he was for fome time against the Abjuration Oath, becaufe he thought a multiplicity of oaths, would make the nation unfafe; but that, as foon as he was convinced of the neceffity of that oath, he readily came into it.' The duke of Argyle thereupon ftood up, and laid, He was forry that noble lord took to himself what he said only in general.'

ford