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HISTORY OF

CONTEMPORARY FRANCE

CHAPTER I

THE 24TH OF MAY

I.-Impression produced by the fall of M. Thiers and the election of Marshal MacMahon-The new President of the Republic: his military career in Algeria, in the Crimea, in ItalyMarshal MacMahon at Sedan: suppression of the Commune-Marshal MacMahon and politics: his character. II. The Cabinet of the 25th of May: its policy-Message of the Marshal-President: circular of the Vice-president of the Council to the diplomatic agents-Divine Right and the Sovereignty of the People-The Constitutional question -The three Monarchical parties.

III. The Duc de Broglie: his politics: his character-The Conservative party-Democratic ideals.

IV.-Léon Gambetta; his origin, and intellectual development-Gambetta under the Empire, and during the warHe is returned to the National Assembly-Gambetta as an orator.

The 24th of
May

in Paris

IN

I

N the afternoon of the 24th of May, 1873, Paris began to be pervaded by the excitement arising from the events which were happening at at Versailles. Crowds streamed into the streets; everybody asked for news; the offices of the boulevard papers were besieged.

About three o'clock, the evening papers published

VOL. II.

I

B

the report of the powerful speech delivered by M. Thiers in the morning. The crisis was apparently averted; the weather was bright, the crowd full of rumours; towards evening, it gathered in the direction of the Saint-Lazare station.

About five o'clock, a report began to spread, soon to be confirmed: M. Thiers had been defeated by fourteen votes. The first sensation was surprise, followed by doubt; finally, in the confused medley of opposing sentiments and opinions, amazement became the prevailing feeling.

At eight o'clock, the National gave a detailed account of the two sittings. The crowd on the boulevards swelled, the evening papers were snatched from the kiosks. The rapid progress of events was made known: the resignation of M. Thiers, the election of Marshal MacMahon, all that happening so quickly, so far off, at Versailles, out of the reach and beyond the control of Paris.

The hours passed away the approaches to the station were filled by a dark mass waiting for the deputies and M. Thiers.

Return

attended by

There was a

He stepped

He arrived at midnight, of M. Thiers the deputies of the Left. to Paris shout of "Vive M. Thiers!" into a carriage and drove away. If he had crossed Paris, he would have been accorded a triumphal procession; but he, and indeed every one, felt that this was not a time for manifestations. The police gently dispersed the crowd, which gradually disappeared during the night. Paris, defeated but yesterday, offered no resistance: she was not sure of herself; in the depths of her soul she felt the rent which divided the conscience of the country.1

1 Antonin Levrier, La chute de M. Thiers, 8°, 1873.

Effect of the

In the capital and the provinces alike Fall of M. excitement spread along with the news. Thiers in the The 25th was a Sunday. The groups Provinces assembling in the streets in front of the

placarded telegrams recalled the dark hours of the war, when anxious faces questioned one another. In towns and villages, the speech of M. Thiers was read aloud those who approved did not conceal their sentiments; the others held their tongues. There was no shout of victory, no cry of wrath, merely anxious reflection, the stupefaction caused by yet another crisis after so many crises, or, rather, by the inevitable approach of fresh struggles. There was, too, the weariness of recent sorrows, the dread of a long convalescence, worse than the disease. Was this sorely tried land never to find peace?

The fall of M. Thiers caused more

Abroad alarm than surprise in other countries. Distance increased the effect of these sudden events; people wondered whether order would be preserved: in London, at a Court function, the members of the French Embassy were a centre of attraction. People in general are quite surprised to learn that Paris is not being sacked," wrote M. Gavard.' M. Thiers received countless telegrams expressing universal astonishment and regret.

Election of

Mahon

Meanwhile, the immediate election of Mac- Marshal MacMahon proved to be reassuring; his name was well known and generally respected throughout France and Europe. But what was to be thought of so violent a change, of the sudden substitution of a man of the sword

1 Charles Gavard, Un Diplomate à Londres, in 18, 1895, (p. 158).

for an old parliamentary hand such as M. Thiers? Did this mean a conspiracy? a revolutionary measure? the overthrow of the Republic? the speedy restoration of the Monarchy ?

In the Assembly, when the voting was about to begin for the nomination of a successor to M. Thiers, M. Horace de Choiseul asked: "For how long will he be appointed? Will his nomination be irrevocable ?" Neither constitution nor precedent existed. M. Buffet, who had probably given some thought to the subject, replied without hesitation : "I am bound to draw the attention of the Assembly to the fact that there is no question of adopting any modification in the existing laws and institutions. The President of the Republic who is elected in place of M. Thiers will be subject to exactly the same conditions, legal and constitutional, as was M. Thiers himself."

Powers of

According to these words, the powers the Marshal of Marshal MacMahon were defined by the laws of August 31, 1871, and March 13, 1873 ; the President was responsible to the National Assembly, and his mandate lasted till its dissolution.

Thus nothing decisive had been accomplished. One man was replaced by another man. The various political problems remained unsolved. The Marshal kept the title of "President of the Republic"; notices bore the heading "République française."

The deputies of the Left, on their return to Paris, issued a proclamation, an appeal to patience and self-control, which was well in accord with the general feeling. In Paris, and in the Provinces, which had been so cruelly tried by the Commune

and the war, no other language would have been
understood. "Citizens," they said, "it is of supreme
importance in the present political crisis that order
should not be disturbed.
Remain calm:
the safety of France and of the Republic depends
upon it."

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On the whole, the name of Marshal MacMahon was felt by all to be a guarantee. He himself anticipated the universal expectation by "giving his word as a man of honour and a soldier," in his first letter to the representatives of the nation.

Official

tions

Moreover, to be yet more definite, the declara- placard which brought the Marshal's letter to the knowledge of the country contained this formal pledge: "No existing laws and institutions will be tampered with in any way."

These words had a very wide bearing. The selection of Marshal MacMahon gave the country the assurance that, if it still had many painful and perhaps perilous times to go through, it was at least protected against disorder by the force of the National army, and against doubtful enterprises by the perfect probity of the new President. This was the feeling which the Marshal interpreted in the proclamation which he addressed to the army immediately afterwards.

"Soldiers," he said, "the National Assembly, in choosing from among your ranks the President of the Republic, has testified to you the confidence which it holds in your loyalty, patriotism, and energy in maintaining order and respect for law in our country."

Marshal Marshal MacMahon was then sixty-five years of age. He was above middle

MacMahon

D

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