Occasionally, however, some hasty words, failures of memory, or oversights, tended to raise a laugh. A recently appointed Prefect was paying the customary visit to the President. The Marshal asked: "Of what Department ? " "The Aube," answered the Prefect. The Marshal heard or understood "the Aude "-for he was in the habit of confusing proper names-and began to speak with vivacity of those populations of the South, which have no discipline, have become rich too quickly, and are unendurable." "All that is changing," he added, “and the phylloxera which is ruining them will bring them to their senses." The Prefect allowed the wave to roll by and then answered: "I said Aube, President." "Ah," said the Marshal, "so much the better, I prefer it."

A parliamentarian of some consideration was speaking to him of a prospective crisis which was very annoying to the Marshal. He stood twisting his moustache while the man of parliaments went on speaking, and speaking well. Luncheon time had

Once and twice Mme. de MacMahon looked in through the half open door. At last the Marshal lost his patience: "Ah, if you are in it too!" Remarks like this gathered weight by repetition, and in the lively polemics of the newspapers, legends

took root.

In reality Marshal MacMahon was a firm and conscientious President of the Republic, loving his country and devoted to her welfare. There were some admirable features in his government, and they were those which concerned the main work of his commission, viz., the moral and material restoration of the country. On the morrow of a disastrous war, the most urgent work was the reconstitution

of the military forces, and for that purpose what authority, what competence would have equalled those of such a soldier? He was not made for politics; and yet, on a decisive occasion peculiarly trying for the Legitimist that he essentially was, his discernment was put to a sharp test. The Comte de Chambord, who had come to Versailles for that purpose, addressed himself to the Marshal : the President of the Republic, executing to the letter the mandate which he had accepted, refused to abandon the flag under which he had served France. The Duc Decazes had said immediately after the Septennate had been voted: "The foundation of the Republic in France will date from the presidency of Marshal MacMahon." And it was so.

Later on, when he had reached what he believed to be the limit of his pledges and his attributes, he halted; he did not insist, he resigned.

His subsequent life, spent in retirement, was that of a perfectly honourable man. It gives us pleasure to quote, to the honour of both, the following phrase of one of his Ministers, whom he did not like, and who returned the compliment-Jules Simon : In short, Marshal MacMahon was a great captain, a great citizen, and a good man.

II

With the election of Marshal MacMahon, the Government of France was about to re-enter the customary paths of parliamentary rule strangely overlooked by the personal activity and meddlesomeness of M. Thiers. It could be said of Marshal MacMahon, in anticipation, that he would apply

the formula, too much forgotten by his predecessor, after having been perhaps too much exalted by him, " "The king reigns but does not govern.'

Cabinet of

By the 25th of May the new Cabinet the 25th was constituted. The suggestion of susof May pending the parliamentary session for a time, which had been considered for a moment, was abandoned, speedy action being deemed expedient. The anticipated distribution of the portfolios had been the object of a work of

minute elaboration in the lobbies: the ardour of combat had been singularly reinforced thereby; the scent of portfolios nearly always hangs over the most brilliant parliamentary bouts.

The Duc de Broglie, who had directed the battle of the 24th of May, was appointed chief of the new Cabinet. He took, along with the Vice-presidency of the Council, the portfolio of Foreign Affairs. His colleagues were: M. Beulé, who became Minister of the Interior; M. Ernoul, of Justice; M. Batbie, of Education; M. Magne, of Finance; M. de La Bouillerie, of Commerce; M. Deseilligny, of Public Works; and Admiral de Dompierre d'Hornoy at the Admiralty. General de Cissey retained provisionally, for some days, the portfolio of War, which there was a question of entrusting to Marshal Canrobert, and which eventually fell to General du Barail. M. E. Pascal was appointed Under-Secretary of State for Home Affairs.

Certain names, though not on this list, others which were in the thoughts of all, revealed the latent difficulty which proved a stumbling block from the very beginning. M. Thiers had pointed it out beforehand. The majority which had thrust him aside, born of the union of the three monarchical

parties, had become united for the work of destruction, but fell asunder as soon as the business in hand was to construct.

It had been necessary to take into account the claims of the Bonapartists, whose twelve votes had formed an indispensable supplement at the time of the division: the Duc d'Audiffret-Pasquierwhose authority and talents would have been such a valuable help-was sacrificed to them.

M. Beulé, a distinguished Professor, of cultivated and refined intellect, impatient and nervous, was inadequate as Minister of the Interior. M. Ernoul, fresh from a provincial Bar, a finished and sometimes warm orator, was wanting neither in perception nor coolness; he was in the parliament the voice of his bishop, Mgr. Pie. A man of conviction and action, his ardent Catholicism and tenacious Legitimism might be useful or embarrassing according to circumstances.

M. Magne, a former Minister of the Emperor Napoleon, had undisputed technical competence. The Ministry of Finance, disposing as it does of a numerous staff, scattered all over the country for the management of the public funds, practically rules over economic politics. The Bonapartist party was thus given, two years after the war, a force for propaganda, and a renewal of prestige, which the sagacious mind of M. Magne strengthened by its very moderation.

The other Ministers were distinguished men, but devoid of personal authority either in the parliament or through the country.

On Monday, May 26th, the Cabinet appeared before the Assembly. The Duc de Broglie read a document in which the crisis was justified, and the

policy of the Government set forth : it was a Message from the Marshal President.

The

The explanation of the crisis held President's in a short passage: the will of the Message Assembly had been manifested with reference to the Head of the Executive, the latter being but its " delegate." A disagreement having arisen, the last word was bound to remain with the majority; the Message dwelt on this idea, making evident allusion to the last ministerial selections of M. Thiers, and especially to that of M. de Rémusat: "I have chosen a Ministry all of whose members have sprung from your ranks.” Then followed a short encomium on the work of the Assembly, which had been able to liberate the territory invaded after terrible misfortunes— this passage pointing to M. Thiers, Liberator of the territory-and to re-establish order in a society excited by a spirit of revolution-this passage also pointing to M. Thiers, the Conqueror of the Com

mune.

Peaceful intentions were indicated in the usual lines devoted to foreign policy. But these were not the dominant pre-occupation of the new Government. Its eyes were fixed upon domestic affairs. Here its declarations were compact, peremptory, and still redolent of powder.

In domestic policy, the sentiment which has guided all your actions is the spirit of Social Conservation. All the great laws which you have passed by immense majorities have had this essentially conservative character. . . . The Government which represents you therefore must and will be, I warrant it, energetically and resolutely Conservative.

With skilful tactics, M. Thiers, before going out of office, had put the constitutional question. On this