Contract and Property in Early Modern China: Rational Choice in Political ScienceProviding a new perspective on economic and legal institutions, particularly on contract and property, in Qing and Republican history, this volume provides case studies to explicate how these institutions worked, while situating them firmly in their broader social context. |
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內容
1 | |
6 | |
17 | |
Why County | 94 |
TABLES | 98 |
Property Taxes and State Protection of Rights | 120 |
The Status of Contracts in NineteenthCentury | 159 |
in Early Modern China | 178 |
Managing Multiple Ownership at the Zigong Salt Yard | 230 |
The Contracts | 269 |
Financial Arrangements in | 298 |
Contracting Business Partnerships in Late Qing | 327 |
FIGURE | 343 |
Chinese Names and Terms | 349 |
Bibliography | 359 |
List of Contributors | 379 |
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常見字詞
additional agreed agreement amount appears authority banks brother capital century changes Chapter China Chinese claims clear clearly Code common concerned conditional contract costs court created custom debt decision discussed disputes division documents dollars early economic enforcement established evidence example fact field final firms four given Hayes head held holdings household important included individual interest investment involved issues land late later lease lineage loans magistrate manager ment merchants monopoly month norms noted officials operations original owner ownership paid parties partnership payment period practice production profits property rights purchase Qing received reclamation redeem registered relationship rent responsibility rules sale price salt Shanghai shareholders shares signed social sold supplemental taels tang tenant tion tract transaction transfer Wang written XKTB Zhang Zigong
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第 181 頁 - In order to carry out a market transaction it is necessary to discover who it is that one wishes to deal with, to inform people that one wishes to deal and on what terms, to conduct negotiations leading up to the bargain, to draw up the contract, to undertake the inspection needed to make sure that the terms of the contract are being observed, and so on (Coase (1960, p.
第 89 頁 - We may say that the movement of progressive societies has hitherto been a movement from status to contract.
第 175 頁 - ... proposals through the throne's secret memorial system, including a report by Governor-General Nien Keng-yao of Shensi, he recommended that provincial officials retain a fixed share of the taxes they sent to the central government. This retained share, referred to as a "meltage fee...
第 17 頁 - The penal emphasis of this law, for example, meant that matters of a civil nature were either ignored by it entirely (for example, contracts), or were given only limited treatment within its penal format (for example, property rights, inheritance, marriage). The law was only secondarily interested in defending the rights — especially the economic rights — of one individual or group against another individual or group and not at all in defending such rights against the state.
第 181 頁 - Indeed, if transaction costs are negligible, the organization of economic activity is irrelevant, since any advantages one mode of organization appears to hold over another will simply be eliminated by costless contracting. But despite the growing realization that transaction costs are central to the study of economics,1 skeptics remain. Stanley Fischer's complaint is typical: "Transaction costs have a well-deserved bad name as a theoretical device . . . [partly] because there is a suspicion that...
第 114 頁 - ... simple peasants." Whatever the structural weaknesses of the Qing legal system, what made matters worse in the eighteenth century were the social tensions engendered by economic change. As Philip Kühn has noted, at the macroeconomic level the eighteenth century was a prosperous era, but the very economic changes that brought prosperity could be quite threatening to the ordinary peasant household. "From the standpoint of an eighteenth-century Chinese commoner, commercial growth may have meant,...
第 17 頁 - What really concerned the law — though this is to be surmised rather than explicitly read in the Chinese legal literature — were all acts of moral or ritual impropriety or of criminal violence which seemed in Chinese eyes to be violations or disruptions of the total social order.
第 17 頁 - China the initial stimulus for law was no more economic than it was religious. Economic growth, to be sure, no doubt played a role in transforming the society of feudal China to the point where it could no longer get along without a written law. When this law appeared, however, it was used neither to uphold traditional religious values nor to protect private property. Rather, its primary purpose was political : that of imposing tighter political controls upon a society which was then losing its old...
第 187 頁 - It is my thesis in this part of the paper that the emergence of new property rights takes place in response to the desires of the interacting persons for adjustment to new benefit-cost possibilities.